Tuesday, April 14, 2026

NRA Board to Consider Major Bylaw Amendments at 2026 Annual Meeting in Houston

Glock Blue Keyboard Jim Grant
NRA members and directors are expected to debate several proposed bylaw amendments during the 2026 Annual Meetings in Houston. IMG Jim Grant

As the NRA Annual Meetings and Exhibits approach rapidly, I wanted to give members an update on some of the Bylaw amendments that will likely be on the agenda for the Board of Directors at our meeting on Monday, April 20.

For background, there are two levels or categories in the NRA Bylaws. The first is the basic Bylaws, which can be amended by the Board of Directors with a simple majority vote, and the second is a more protected Bylaw, which can only be amended by a vote of the membership. Amendments proposed for this protected category would be included in the annual voting packet, along with the ballot for electing Directors each year. That’s a complex and expensive process, so it doesn’t happen very often, but amendments to the basic Bylaws can happen at any meeting of the Board, and traditionally have been made with little or no notice to the membership.

Since at least 1977, when the members staged a revolt at the Annual Meeting in Cincinnati, the NRA Bylaws have been a battleground for warring factions of the Board of Directors, with many provisions included to either advance the objectives of one faction or to stymie the objectives of another.

Some are in direct conflict with Roberts’ Rules or with recognized “best practices” for an organization such as ours, and the Bylaws and Resolutions Committee – which I serve on – is trying to sort them out and get our Bylaws back to something clean and efficient. There’s a long way to go on that road, but while we’re working on that broader objective, we’re also working to address things that allowed the problems of the recent past to get out of hand.

All of that said, there were a total of 12 Bylaw amendment proposals – and I stress the word “proposals”– sent out to the Board members in preparation for the Houston meetings. Some of those will almost certainly be pulled from consideration during the Bylaws and Resolutions Committee’s meeting on Thursday, before the Meeting of Members on Saturday, while others are likely to be modified in some way. Those that make it through the B&R Committee will be discussed to some degree at the Members’ Meeting, then will be considered by the Board at our regular meeting on the following Monday.

The Board held an informal “town hall” discussion of the 12 amendment proposals a few days ago, with the result of suggesting that several needed significant review and revision, and should be tabled until our September meeting. They also pointed out a few issues with others that will be addressed in the B&R Committee meeting on Thursday in Houston.

Here’s what we’ve got going into the Annual Meetings:

There are several “housekeeping” proposals, including one that would remove the “Order of Business” from Article IV of the Bylaws. There’s no reason for it to be there, as this is covered in Roberts’ Rules of Order, which govern our meetings. I’ll note that I’ve seen some confusion with people conflating “Order of Business” with the “Agenda.” The Order of Business is just that, the order that business is dealt with, while the Agenda includes the specific topics of business to be discussed.

Another proposal makes minor tweaks to the requirements for ILA to present a report. Currently, ILA reports are mandated for every meeting of the Board or Executive Committee, and there are times when these reports are simply not needed, especially if the Executive Committee is refocused on corporate business and begins meeting monthly, as is currently being discussed.

The third “housekeeping” measure would remove the improper presidential term limit language that names specific individuals and years that are exceptions to the term limits. This should never have been done the way it was and needs to be fixed. I’m proposing a couple of other minor tweaks to this language, but nothing that I think will be seen as objectionable.

The next proposal is to allow the Board to hold an election to fill a vacancy on the Audit Committee at any regular or emergency meeting of the Board. Electing the Audit Committee at the first meeting following the Annual Meeting is a new process that was recently added to the Bylaws, and the matter of filling vacancies was overlooked. If someone resigns or passes away, the Board should be able to fill the vacancy.

The final “houskeeping” proposal is a little more controversial, but I don’t understand why. It is to ensure that the Chief Compliance Officer has full access to all committee meetings, including meetings held in Executive Session. The CCO is tasked with ensuring compliance with all applicable laws, regulations, and our governing documents and policies. It doesn’t make sense to exclude him from a meeting unless there is some sort of direct conflict of interest.

Those are the simpler, less controversial proposals. Here are the more challenging ones.

A proposal to adjust the language of the Bylaws to remove obstacles that prevent any possibility of transitioning to an online voting process for Director elections and Bylaw amendments. This proposal doesn’t change the way voting is to be done. What it does is revise the Bylaws language so that it doesn’t foreclose the idea of online voting in the future, if a way can be found to do it that our members would trust and support.

While this is indeed a “first step” in the direction of online voting, it does not mandate or even entertain the idea of taking the necessary “subsequent steps.” Mail balloting, as we do it now, is extremely expensive and complicated.

There’s little doubt that the NRA will eventually need to move to some more direct, almost certainly electronic, process for member voting. This proposal primarily removes the word “mail” and related terms from the Bylaws, making them neutral on the “how” of our elections.

I support this proposal, but suspect the fear of change might kill it for now.

A proposal to allow committee chairs to appoint members to subcommittees who are not members of their committee, or the Board, as a way of better utilizing our members’ talents. The non-board member appointees would not receive any travel reimbursement for meetings (which are generally held online anyway).

I don’t support this one, as I see potential for cronyism and a lack of serious need. If a committee chair – or a subcommittee chair – thinks they need some additional expert participation, they are welcome to invite an expert to present at a meeting. I plan to oppose this proposal.

A proposal to authorize the Board of Directors to hold special and emergency meetings online, rather than only in-person.

There are numerous actions that require a vote of the full Board, which means that if we need to take one of those actions, we have to either wait until our next scheduled meeting, or we have to spend significant funds to bring all of the Directors in for what might amount to a single, unanimous vote. This proposal doesn’t do away with any of our regular, three times per year Board meetings. It actually specifically forbids holding those meetings online except in extreme circumstances, such as we experienced during the COVID-19 crisis.

As long as this criteria remains, I support this idea.

Finally, a proposal to restructure and to a degree re-task the Executive Committee to make it smaller and more business-focused, while keeping it under the control of the Board.

I strongly support this idea as it closely comports with my proposals for reducing the size of the Board, while ensuring strong oversight and member protections.

My biggest concern regarding a smaller Board has always been that a smaller group might go rogue, and members would have no way to rein them in. I’ve never advocated for a smaller Board on financial grounds, but rather on a question of functionality and efficiency. In today’s world, a large, 76-member Board of Directors that only meets three times per year is an anachronism and dangerous, as we learned through recent history.

Best practice for a large membership organization such as ours calls for an “active”, not “passive” Board, meaning the Board should be more closely involved in overseeing the business of the Association, rather than leaving the CEO to do whatever he wants. But it would be virtually impossible, and nerve-wracking for the staff, to try and be an “active” Board with 76 members.

The answer is to delegate. The whole idea of an Executive Committee came about in the days when the horse and carriage were the primary mode of travel, and a post rider delivered the mail – eventually. In those circumstances, a national organization would form an Executive Committee of people who lived close to the organization’s headquarters to handle important Board business that might come up when the Board wasn’t meeting.

The advent of electronic “virtual” meetings has made that model totally obsolete.

By passing the proposal above, authorizing online emergency Board meetings, the whole Board could be called together to handle important business in a matter of hours if necessary, so the Executive Committee is no longer needed. What is needed, however, is a small, highly skilled and qualified committee of the Board to be “active” in handling the business of the Association, but which remains under the oversight and control of the full Board.

This proposal would reorganize the Executive Committee as a Management Committee. It would be composed of the President, the two Vice Presidents, the chairs of the key business committees, a few additional, highly qualified members of the Board, and three non-voting, expert advisors. As currently envisioned, the Committee would have 9 voting members and the three non-voting advisors.

Under this provision, the EC would meet upon the call of the President, as frequently as once a month or more, to handle business and make sure the Association is on an even keel. All meetings of the EC would be require informing the full Board, and all Board members would be able – and encouraged – to sit in on any EC meeting. If at any time the EC appears to be going off the rails, a majority of the Board could call a special meeting of the Board, to be held electronically, to address the concerns, and the Board could reverse or amend any action of the EC at any regular or special Board meeting.

Under this proposal, I think the biggest problem will be ensuring that the new EC is actively providing support and guidance to the Executive Vice President and his staff, without trying to take over his job or micro-manage the Association. As the Association continues on its recovery path, the frequency of EC meetings would be cut back, and the EVP would be given more and more room to operate as he sees fit – within the Board’s guidelines.

I believe this proposal provides the smaller, more specialized Board that I and others have been talking about for years, while also providing robust checks and balances, and protecting the structure that supports the NRA’s many programs and initiatives.

I plan to offer the final language for this proposal to the membership at the Annual Meeting of Members in Houston for an advisory vote, and expect other Bylaw proposals will be discussed. Of course, I’d like to hear readers’ thoughts and suggestions below.

I hope to see you in Houston!

NRA 2026 Director Election Results Show Reformers Gaining Ground


About Jeff Knox:

Jeff Knox is a dedicated political activist and the director of The Firearms Coalition, following in the footsteps of his father, Neal Knox. In 2024, Jeff was elected to the NRA Board of Directors, underscoring his lifelong commitment to protecting the Second Amendment. The Knox family has played a pivotal role in the ongoing struggle for gun rights, a legacy documented in the book Neal Knox – The Gun Rights War, authored by Jeff’s brother, Chris Knox.

Founded by Neal Knox in 1984, The Firearms Coalition is a network of individual Second Amendment activists, clubs, and civil rights organizations. The Coalition supports grassroots efforts by providing education, analysis of current issues, and a historical perspective on the gun rights movement. For more information, visit www.FirearmsCoalition.org.Jeff Knox




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Spanberger Amends Virginia Gun Ban Bill After DOJ Threatens Lawsuit

Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger. Did she just blink or is she stalling against a threatened DOJ lawsuit over 2A issues?

Instead of signing, vetoing or allowing a controversial gun ban bill to become law without her signature on Tuesday, Virginia Democrat Gov. Abigail Spanberger offered up an amended version of House Bill 217, which essentially kicks the political can down the road just a bit, possibly forestalling a threatened legal action against Virginia by the Department of Justice.

WVEC News is reporting Spanberger essentially waited until her legislative deadline was approaching to submit her bill substitute after Assistant U.S. Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon threatened in an April 10 letter to “commence litigation in the event the Commonwealth of Virginia enacts certain bills that unconstitutionally limit law-abiding Americans’ individual right to bear arms.”

The letter specifically referred to Senate Bill 749, which is identical to HB 217. Dhillon noted in her letter that signing the legislation “would require Virginia law enforcement agencies to engage in a practice of unconstitutionally restricting the making, buying, or selling of AR-15s and many other semi-automatic firearms in common use.”


Spanberger’s proposed amendments essentially preserve “the core” of the legislation, which prohibits the sale, manufacture and/or transfer of so-called “assault firearms,” and—as described by WVEC, “keeps the bill’s central framework intact.”

So, is this a stall to delay what appears to be an inevitable federal lawsuit?

According to WDBJ News, the amended bill goes back to the General Assembly “for approval or rejection” of the changes. If those changes are rejected by lawmakers, the Assembly can still pass the original bill—it would take a two-thirds vote—after which Spanberger could either sign or veto the measure.

Under provisions in Spanberger’s amended bill, pistol grips and thumbhole stocks would be removed from a list of cosmetic features which would classify a firearm as an “assault firearm.” There is a change also in the magazine capacity limit, and there are also some “technical adjustments” in the bill’s wording, according to WVEC.

But in the final analysis, are these adjustments really concerning to Spanberger, or is she just buying time?

According to a press release from the governor’s office, “These bills prohibit the future sale of assault firearms and the possession of a magazine which has a capacity of more than 15 rounds. The bills do not apply to firearms bought or owned before July 1, 2026. The Governor’s amendments provide additional clarity to law enforcement as it relates to the firearms included under this legislation, as well as protect the use of certain semi-automatic shotguns used for hunting.”

However, buried in the governor’s amended version is this language:

“Assault firearm” means any: 1. A semi-automatic center-fire rifle or pistol which expels single or multiple projectiles by action of an explosion of a combustible material and is equipped at the time of the offense with a magazine which will hold more than 20 rounds of ammunition or designed by the manufacturer to accommodate a silencer or equipped with a folding stock with a magazine capacity in excess of 15 rounds.”

Critics argue that Spanberger’s substitute, by stripping this language from the bill, essentially makes any semi-auto firearm capable of holding more than 15 rounds automatically becomes an “assault firearm.” The concern is that this makes the carrying of any such firearm illegal, even if a person legally owns the magazines and is licensed to carry.

This entire episode does open up some interesting possibilities, because it marks the first time the Justice Department has threatened legal action against a state for passing a restrictive gun control law.

Around the country, Second Amendment activists in other states must be wondering why Dhillon didn’t send the same message to governors in Washington, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Oregon, Colorado or other states where Democrat majorities are pushing—or have passed—restrictive gun control laws.

Or, will Dhillon now simply turn the Second Amendment Section of the DOJ’s Civil Rights Division loose on those states which have already adopted restrictions? Gun owners are waiting to see what happens next.

They might get a hint from what Dhillon and the DOJ do in response to Spanberger’s maneuver. She already signed some gun control measures, so there is every reason to believe she will sign HB 217, whether her amendments are approved by further Assembly action, or if lawmakers reject her changes and simply send back the bill as originally passed.

In summary, HB 217 as passed, “Creates a Class 1 misdemeanor for any person who imports, sells, manufactures, purchases, or transfers an assault firearm, as that term is defined in the bill with some exceptions, and prohibits a person who has been convicted of such violation from purchasing, possessing, or transporting a firearm for a period of three years from the date of conviction. The bill provides that an assault firearm does not include any firearm that is an antique firearm, has been rendered permanently inoperable, or is manually operated by bolt, pump, lever, or slide action. The bill also prohibits the sale of a large capacity ammunition feeding device, as that term is defined in the bill. The bill provides that any person who willfully and intentionally (i) sells an assault firearm to another person or (ii) purchases an assault firearm from another person is guilty of a Class 1 misdemeanor and that any person who imports, sells, barters, transfers, or purchases a large capacity ammunition feeding device is guilty of a Class 1 misdemeanor. This bill is identical to SB 749.”

DOJ Warns Virginia It Will Sue Over AR-15 Ban, Gun Control Bills


About Dave Workman

Dave Workman is a senior editor at TheGunMag.com and Liberty Park Press, author of multiple books on the Right to Keep & Bear Arms, and formerly an NRA-certified firearms instructor.Dave Workman



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Monday, April 13, 2026

Bridging the Divide on Guns a Bridge to Nowhere

New England Firearms Advocacy Conference Scheduled for May 2026, iStock-1323754303
Patriots, the last time prohibitionists tried to cross a bridge and come for their arms. iStock-1323754303

“[A] program … by [Tufts University professor Dr. Michael Siegel] was … basically designed to come up with a way for red states to embrace some gun control measures that Dr. Siegel believes are effective in preventing both violent crime, suicides with firearms, accidents involving firearms, while at the same time offering some bennies, right?” Cam Edwards of Bearing Arms notes in his introduction to an April 6 YouTube interview asking, “Can This Group Actually Bridge the Divide on Guns?

“So, for example, establishing a period, let’s say five years, where individuals convicted of a violent misdemeanor could not possess a firearm,” he elaborates. “In exchange, getting rid of laws that ban non-violent felons from being able to [get] firearms.”

Enacting the Trump administration’s effort to restore rights (if they ever disclose what it takes to qualify) into law, instead of via executive action vulnerable to retraction by succeeding administrations,  would be incremental progress. But the blanket distinction between violent and nonviolent misdemeanors obscures another injustice— not only has it been shown that rights can be denied over “horror story” examples, where outbursts resulting in a torn pocket or thrown keys can result in a lifetime ban. Add to that someone pleading to a misdemeanor charge because they don’t have the wherewithal to fight a threatened felony charge if they don’t.

Better still would be having law reflect reality: Anyone who can’t be trusted with a gun can’t be trusted without a custodian, and releasing such people back into society before they can be invites more, not less, criminal violence. That, and if telling criminals they weren’t allowed to have guns worked (which, of course, it doesn’t), society wouldn’t be having this discussion, including the one about “bad apple gun dealers.”

“I’ve been doing research in firearm space for about 13 years or so… and I’ve noticed that there are a lot of laws that although apparently intended to reduce firearm injury aren’t actually effective in doing that, but what they do is to inconvenience firearm owners or even worse to actually take away rights,” Siegel began.  “As I started to learn more about firearms, I started to realize that we need to have the gun owning community at the table because we in public health for the most part don’t know anything about firearms.”

“The gun owning community” has been making that point for longer than 13 years, citing ignorance that is both inexcusably stupid (“shoulder thing that goes up/heat-seeking bullets cook deer from inside”) and deliberately lied about (“anything that looks like a machine gun is assumed to be a machine gun”).

Visiting gun stores, going to a shooting range and shooting a gun for the first time is hardly “immersing” oneself in the gun culture, it’s getting your toe wet. To then presume qualifications to expound on the matter, to teach without passing required prerequisites to even be in the clssroom, or worse, to demand legislation and enforcement, goes beyond malpractice. As is presuming that an informed, experienced, and freedom-minded adult wants a seat at that children’s table.

As for Siegel’s disingenuously distancing his advocacy from “assault weapon” bans, that’s just meant to placate gun owners into thinking maybe that’s one “compromise” the gun prohibitionists might be willing to entertain. Nowhere, though, does he say that, nor is repealing such bans one of the eight “Policy Proposals” his group, Bridging the Divide, recommends. That’s because only useful idiots think it’s about “commonsense gun safety” instead of citizen disarmament, the real goal of the “men behind the curtain” funding this latest venture in AstroTurf Kumbaya gun groups (the earlier fraudulent American Hunters & Shooters Association and current undermining by the “nonpartisan” 97percent poseurs come to mind).

It’s also noteworthy that those proposals are billed as “state-level policies,” meaning if enacted, Illinois, California, New York, and other “blue states will continue thumbing their noses at the Supreme Court’s Bruen decision, and all that means in terms of rights delayed and infringements being dragged through the courts for years.

This all makes a key question fair: Who are these guys?

They call themselvesa coalition of stakeholders” (which evokes someone intending to drive it into a heart with a mallet). Their “Diverse Coalition of Gun Rights and Gun Violence Prevention Advocates” includes rabid prohibitionist zealots who have made careers out of trying to eviscerate the Second Amendment through lawfare and gun bans, with not one recognized “no compromise” member. Any questions on how they vote?

As for following the money, that’s a closely guarded secret. The Bridging the Divide website posts the specific disclaimer that  “The views and activities … do not necessarily reflect the views of Tufts University. No official endorsement by Tufts University for the information on this website is intended or should be inferred,” a who.is search shows they withhold registrant information, they haven’t been around long enough for Form 990 tax filings to show up on the Guidestar/Candid nonprofit lookup (assuming we knew what name they’d file under), a Massachusetts (that’s where Tufts is) charity search under the name “Bridging the Divide” turns up zilch, and having to resort to Google AI for something, anything, notes “its exact financial backers remain unclear in the provided text, amidst accusations that it is a rebranding of existing gun control.”

Siegel then proudly presented another “bennie,” evidently convinced he’s offering something revolutionary and novel that will attract gun owners into his camp:

“I think one area that is an area that would make a big difference is basically making it possible to do background checks for anyone who purchases a gun,” he announced. “And what we did in this law package was, I think for the first time ever, we created a system that is an automated approval check that anybody can access … including private sellers and essentially get a red light or green light instantaneously without transmitting any personal information without having a registry of the gun. And we decided that would allow for private sales to take place without the hassle of having to bring them to an FFL.”

“First time ever”…? Because it sounds exactly like BIDS, the Blind Identification Database System proposed 25 years ago by activists Brian Puckett and Russ Howard on Keepandbeararms.com, and written about many times over the years by myself and others. As reporting from 2014 shows, the gun prohibitionists have known about this idea for years.  It would be interesting to find out who broached this with the group and acted like it was his idea, but in any case, Democrats would never seriously advance such legislation because to do so would show the whole idea of background checks to be a fraud. (And not to put too fine a point on things, but even an “improvement” like BIDS would still be a prior restraint with no foundation in text, history, and tradition.)

A final point, although everything Siegel says could use a good fisking, is his admission on Red Flag Laws/Extreme Risk Protection Orders, “ that we can’t involuntarily commit every single person … but there has to be something short of involuntary commitment.”

There is something. It’s called violating the Constitutional right to due process and taking away a citizen’s guns before they’ve even been charged with a crime, let alone convicted of one. Plenty will unconvincingly try to weasel word their way around that, but none will be able to deny that’s what will happen. What we’re hearing here is the old gun-grabber assertion that “Something must be done,” with the conclusion that that something is ratcheting down on rights.

There’s admittedly a tremendous cost to doing things the right way (and to explore that and what it will take to transition from coercive collectivist rule to a Bill of Rights culture is the existential question of our age). Is that ultimately as high as accepting government doing things the wrong way?

To his credit, Edwards made a final observation that Siegel tepidly acknowledged but has no ability to do anything about changing even if he wanted to, which he’d make part of his platform if he did: All his group’s recommendations are for how red states can make concessions to blue ones, not how blue ones can roll back on infringements they’ve enacted.

No wonder the Michael Bloomberg-funded propaganda project, The Trace, writes so glowingly about them.

Freedom will not be gained by “compromising” with swindlers making claims on birthrights they are not entitled to. Never give an inch. All that does is free them up to expend their resources and efforts on their next goal.

Check your history. Look at the world. The bridge these people are building leads to hell.

DOJ Warns Virginia It Will Sue Over AR-15 Ban, Gun Control Bills


About David Codrea:

David Codrea is the winner of multiple journalist awards for investigating/defending the RKBA and a long-time gun owner rights advocate who defiantly challenges the folly of citizen disarmament. He blogs at “The War on Guns: Notes from the Resistance,” is a regularly featured contributor to Firearms News, and posts on Twitter: @dcodrea and Facebook.

David Codrea




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Good News for Everyone Else: Bad News for Gun Control?

Research Undercuts ‘More Guns, More Crime’ Hypothesis in Europe, iStock-945999932
Long-term homicide data and recent crime trends challenge the media-driven narrative of an endless gun violence epidemic. iStock-945999932

Dr. Vivek Murthy, Joe Biden’s Surgeon General, declared gun violence to be a public health crisis in June 2024. The control freaks and ban fans natter on endlessly about some “epidemic of gun violence” that will never end unless we pass an assault weapons ban or close the equally imaginary “gun show loophole.”

Like a flock of lobotomized parrots, the media faithfully spreads the word.

Fortunately for all of us, facts often run roughshod over propaganda.

“When nationwide data for jurisdictions of all sizes is reported by the FBI later this year, there is a strong possibility that homicides in 2025 will drop to about 4.0 per 100,000 residents. That would be the lowest rate ever recorded in law enforcement or public health data going back to 1900, and would mark the largest single-year percentage drop in the homicide rate on record.”

That’s from Crime Trends in U.S. Cities, the Council on Criminal Justice’s (CCJ) annual report based on offense data for selected American cities and the nation in 2025.

The FBI’s most recent statistics back up the council’s predictions. According to the agency’s Crime Data Explorer, murder is down by nearly 18%.

CCJ also reported a steep year-over-year decline in homicides across its sample of major cities. As a group, they reported there were 954 fewer murders, a reduction of about 20% from 2024 to 2025.

This should be fairly big news. After four years of sackcloth and ashes, wailing and weeping about a very transitory spike in the homicide rate, the CCJ report is blue skies and sunshine.

This isn’t the gun control gang’s first rodeo with reality.

In February 2019, Marist conducted a telephone survey of American adults. NPR and the PBS Newshour commissioned the poll. It covered gun control and American attitudes about it.

The timing of the survey was suspect. It was almost exactly a year since the shooting incident at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School. David Hogg and the Gun-Grabbers were fanning the flames of public hysteria, and the Florida Legislature was falling all over itself, passing gun laws without any consideration of whether they would have any real impact.

Scant notice was paid to the findings of the special commission formed to do an in-depth investigation. This is hardly surprising: the commission identified misguided policies, incompetence of the school’s administration and staff, the “abysmal” law enforcement response (which led to the removal of the Broward County Sheriff) and just about anything other than the rifle.

The Marist poll delivered the expected results: Enthusiastic support for popular gun control laws and a willingness to sacrifice civil liberties. In short, just what might be expected when malfeasance meets gullibility.

The last question on the survey is worth a raised eyebrow or two:

“From what you have read or heard, do you think, compared to 25 years ago, the per capita gun murder rate in the U.S. is higher, lower, or about the same?”

Fifty-nine percent of survey participants believed the rate had increased; 23% said it was about the same.

Data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics shows the per-capita gun murder rate plunged 36% between 1994 and 2018.

By the numbers, 82% of those surveyed were wrong. Of course, there’s no way to know how many of the responses were due to acquiescence bias (where participants’ answers are based on what they believe they are supposed to say). However, the lopsided percentage indicates a majority really do believe the murder rate has increased.

Taken as a measure to gauge Americans’ taste for the gun control Kool-Aid, it’s a solid success. 82% of our adults believe something totally untrue.

In other words, 82% of our adult population doesn’t know what it really needs to know to make an informed decision.

Since NPR and the PBS NewsHour commissioned the survey, it received a fair amount of media attention – except for that last question. Almost none of the reporting even mentioned it. And I certainly don’t recall anyone drawing the obvious conclusion.

It is safe to say there’s no epidemic of actual “violence” in gun violence.

Legislation is reactive; education is proactive. Education is how to prevent tragedy.

The NSSF’s Project Childsafe is the gold standard in firearm accident prevention. Since going live at the end of the Twentieth Century, Project Childsafe has distributed 41 million free gun safety kits, including a cable-style gun lock, through law enforcement agencies nationwide. Having seen the gun control gang’s attempts, there’s no comparison.

Suicides committed with a gun account for nearly 60% of all firearm-related fatalities. Suicides are beloved by the Brady Bunch, Everytown, and Giffords. Gun-grabbers depend on the suicide stats to keep their bogeymen inflated: They’re the only category of ‘gun violence’ where the numbers are still growing.

However, even suicide isn’t a sure-fire shelter for gun control aspirations. A large percentage of suicides are carried out by other means.

That’s an awful lot of people to just ignore – unless the focus is on taking guns rather than saving lives.

In 2022, Congress passed the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act. Gun control zealots were beside themselves with delight. Considering the amount of damage Joe Biden was able to do with it, their glee was probably justified.

The Act included provisions for grants to assist states in implementing red flag laws. One of the conditions imposed was a requirement:

“(P)re-deprivation and post-deprivation due process rights that prevent any violation or infringement of the Constitution of the United States, including but not limited to the Bill of Rights, and the substantive or procedural due process rights guaranteed under the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, …Such programs must include, at the appropriate phase to prevent any violation of constitutional rights, at minimum, notice, the right to an in-person hearing, an unbiased adjudicator, the right to know opposing evidence, the right to present evidence, and the right to confront adverse witnesses.”

Needless to say, not a single gun control group supported compliance; not a single existing red flag law was changed. Even Maine’s new red flag law doesn’t comply.

This probably won’t come as a surprise: Considered as a group, states with red flag laws saw the use of guns in suicide increase.

Because of course it did.

March NICS Show Steady Gun Demand, While NFA Checks Explode More Than 121%


About Bill Cawthon

Bill Cawthon first became a gun owner 55 years ago. He has been an active advocate for Americans’ civil liberties for more than a decade. He is the information director for the Second Amendment Society of Texas.Bill Cawthon




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Sunday, April 12, 2026

Spanberger Signs Virginia Ghost Gun Ban With No Grandfather Clause

Virginia gun owners just got another reminder that when anti-gun politicians talk about “public safety,” what they often mean is more control over peaceable citizens.

Governor Abigail Spanberger has signed HB40 into law, adding Virginia to the growing list of states targeting so-called “ghost guns,” the media-approved label for privately made firearms (PMFs) and unserialized frames or receivers. Under the bill, the Commonwealth is moving to ban the manufacture, transfer, sale, importation, and eventually even possession of unserialized firearms and unfinished frames or receivers unless they are brought into the government-approved serialization system. Most of the law takes effect January 1, 2027, while the possession ban takes effect July 1, 2027.

For generations, Americans have made their own firearms for lawful personal use. It is part of the country’s history, part of the gun culture, and part of the broader understanding that free citizens do not need government permission to build lawful arms for themselves. HB40 tries to end that.

Virginia’s new law goes well beyond banning guns that anti-gun politicians love to talk about. It creates a new section of law targeting unserialized firearms and unfinished frames or receivers. The bill makes it unlawful to knowingly import, purchase, sell, transfer, manufacture, or assemble covered items without a valid serial number, and it separately makes possession of an unserialized firearm or covered frame or receiver unlawful once the delayed possession provision takes effect. The bill also lays out a process under which a federal firearms licensee can imprint a serial number and retain transaction records.

The political sales pitch is “traceability.” The practical effect is forced serialization, mandatory paper trails, and another step toward turning a traditionally private activity into one that passes through a regulated intermediary. In plain English, Virginia is telling gun owners that if they want to keep a privately made firearm, it has to be registered in a system the government can inspect and track.

Forced serialization is not really about engraving numbers on metal. It is about forcing privately made firearms into a government-legible system. Once the state knows what you have and where it is, confiscation becomes much easier to enforce. That is why gun owners have long viewed registration schemes not as harmless bureaucracy, but as the foundation for future confiscation.

What makes this law especially dangerous is that it does not truly grandfather in the older, privately made firearms that law-abiding Virginians already own. Rather than leaving existing guns alone, the state is forcing owners of those firearms into a serialization and recordkeeping scheme if they want to remain on the right side of the law. That means this is not just a ban on future conduct. It is a retroactive-style crackdown on possession, with only a narrow set of exceptions for antiques, certain pre-1968 firearms, some nonresidents, law enforcement, and new residents who comply within 90 days.

Under the Supreme Court’s modern Second Amendment framework, the government cannot wave around public-safety talking points and call it a day. If the plain text covers the conduct, the burden shifts to the government to show a historical tradition of analogous regulation. That is where Virginia has a real problem.

The right to keep and bear arms necessarily assumes a right to acquire arms. And acquisition is not limited to buying from a store. Americans acquire firearms in a few obvious ways: they buy them, inherit them, or make them. A law that directly burdens the lawful making of firearms for personal use is burdening conduct that sits very close to the core of the right itself.

The state will now have to explain where, exactly, this Nation has a historical tradition of forcing peaceable citizens to serialize personally made firearms and place them into a recordkeeping system simply to keep them lawfully in the home. That is a steep hill to climb.

As Mark Smith of the Four Boxes Diner highlighted in his latest video, Virginia’s law also collides with the deeper American tradition of private gunmaking. As Joseph Greenlee explains in the NRA’s amicus brief in Bondi v. VanDerStok, early Americans were not treated like suspects for making their own arms. Private gunmaking was widespread, lawful, and often encouraged in a nation that understood an armed citizenry had to be capable of acquiring arms independently. That history cuts directly against modern laws that force homemade firearms into a serialized and traceable government-readable system. In other words, Virginia is not preserving an American tradition here. It is breaking with one.

The immediate takeaway is simple: this bad law is on the books, but the key compliance dates are still ahead.

That gives gun-rights groups, affected gun owners, and potentially the Department of Justice time to decide whether and how to challenge it. Gov. Spanberger announced the signing on April 10, and the law’s staged effective dates mean the legal fight may start before the possession ban fully kicks in.

Virginia Democrats are not just regulating criminal misuse. They are targeting the idea that a free American can still make a lawful firearm outside a state-managed chain of custody.

Once the government gets the power to demand serialization and records for homemade firearms, nobody should pretend the fight ends there. The same political faction that says it only wants “untraceable guns” off the street has already shown, over and over again, that it is willing to push through any gun control it can when it has the votes.

Virginia’s HB40 is not just a “ghost gun” bill. It is a challenge to the tradition of private firearms manufacture in America and another example of lawmakers treating the Second Amendment like a regulated privilege instead of a constitutional guarantee.

Gun owners should pay close attention to what comes next, because this law is exactly the kind of measure that could become a serious Bruen test case.

And if the courts are willing to apply the Second Amendment as written instead of as hostile politicians wish it read, Virginia may have a hard time defending this one.

DOJ Warns Virginia It Will Sue Over AR-15 Ban, Gun Control Bills


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor to AmmoLand News and serves as part of the editorial team responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.

Duncan Johnson




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New York Subway Attack Underscores the Failure of ‘Sensitive Places’ Gun Bans

The Grand Central machete attack is exactly the kind of real-world example gun owners should point to when anti-gun politicians insist that “sensitive places” laws make the public safer.

On Saturday morning, April 11, police say 44-year-old Anthony Griffin randomly attacked three people with a machete inside the 42nd Street–Grand Central subway station before NYPD officers shot and killed him when he refused repeated commands to drop the weapon and advanced toward them. By the time police stopped the threat, an 84-year-old man, a 65-year-old man, and a 70-year-old woman had already been badly injured. AP reported the victims’ injuries were serious but not believed to be life-threatening.

That is the ugly truth behind New York’s so-called “sensitive places” regime. New York and other anti-gun states can put all the signs they want on the wall and write all the criminal statutes they want into the books, but violent criminals do not care. They do not stop and think, “This subway station is a prohibited area, so I guess I won’t carry a weapon today.” Criminals do not reconsider because Albany declared a crowded public space off-limits to concealed carry permit holders. They simply go where people are vulnerable and do what they were already planning to do. Meanwhile, the people who actually obey the law are the ones forced to go unarmed.

New York’s Concealed Carry Improvement Act explicitly treats public transportation and transit facilities as “sensitive locations.” The law covers not just subway cars and train cars, but also stations and other transit facilities connected to passenger transportation. State guidance is even clearer: licensed citizens cannot legally carry firearms in “public transportation and transit facilities,” even if they have a concealed carry license.

That means ordinary, law-abiding New Yorkers are expected to enter one of the most crowded and unpredictable environments in the country without the most effective means of self-defense, all because the state has decided that being around a lot of people somehow makes your right to bear arms disappear.

A New York City subway station is not a courtroom. It is not a secure screening zone at an airport checkpoint. It is a public thoroughfare used by working people, families, the elderly, tourists, and commuters who have no choice but to pass through confined spaces, blind corners, stairwells, platforms, and rail cars with strangers every single day. If anything, that environment strengthens the case for lawful concealed carry. It does not weaken it.

Grand Central just proved the point again.

The only thing that stopped the attacker was armed law enforcement. The officers involved deserve credit for ending the attack before even more people were hurt. But it also highlights the deeper problem with “sensitive places” laws. Police did not prevent the attack. Police responded to it. They arrived in time to end it, but not before three innocent people had already been cut up by a man carrying a machete in a place where the law had already ensured the decent people around him were unlikely to be armed.

Anti-gun lawmakers always want the public to imagine an idealized version of these laws where everyone dangerous is disarmed and everyone harmless is protected. In reality, it works the other way around. The violent criminal ignores the law. The intended victim obeys it. The government then congratulates itself for preserving a “gun-free zone” after the blood is already on the floor.

Gun owners have been told that certain places are simply too crowded, too sensitive, too emotionally important, or too administratively complicated to allow lawful carry. But none of those labels changes the basic constitutional question. The right to bear arms does not evaporate whenever politicians decide a place has excessive foot traffic. And from a practical standpoint, density is not an argument against self-defense. It is often the reason self-defense matters more.

The state’s job should not be to monopolize self-defense in places where police, no matter how professional or well-intentioned, will almost always arrive after the violence has started. A constitutional system worthy of the name should trust law-abiding adults with the means to protect themselves, especially in the kinds of public places where random violence can erupt without warning.

That is why the Grand Central attack should not just be treated as another ugly crime story. It should be seen for what it is: a direct indictment of the “sensitive places” mindset that has spread through blue-state gun control regimes. These laws do not create safety. They create victim zones. They disarm the very people most likely to follow the rules and leave them dependent on a government response that, by definition, comes after the attack begins.

New York can keep calling the subway a “sensitive place” if it wants. But words do not stop machetes. Signs do not stop psychopaths. And criminal statutes do not stop men who are already willing to butcher strangers in public. What stops that kind of violence is immediate force.

In Grand Central, that force came from armed police, but only after three innocent people were already bleeding. Law-abiding citizens should not be forced to wait helplessly for that moment to arrive. They should have the right to defend themselves before the damage is done.

SCOTUS Lets Illinois Public Transit Carry Ban Stand, Leaving a Dangerous “Sensitive Places” Theory in Place


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor to AmmoLand News and serves as part of the editorial team responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson




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Long Island Dentist Sues Nassau County Police for Illegal Firearms Seizure

Long Island Dentist Sues Nassau County Police For Illegal Firearms Seizure
Long Island dentist Paul Carey is suing Nassau County Police after a 2022 raid on his Massapequa home led to charges later thrown out. iStock-1304844629

A Long Island dentist is suing the Nassau County Police after a 2022 botched raid at his Massapequa home.

In 2022, the Nassau County Police SWAT team raided the home of Long Island dentist Paul Carey, who ran his dental practice out of his Massapequa residence. The raid was the result of a 911 call placed by an employee who claimed the dentist was brandishing a gun after yelling her name while smelling of alcohol. The employee never said she was being targeted. Two dozen officers and an armored SWAT vehicle responded to the call. The police broke through his front door with a battering ram. The police did not have a warrant.

Inside the home, law enforcement officers found several guns, seven silencers, over 3,000 rounds of ammunition (Carey claims over 4,000 rounds), 61 standard-capacity magazines, and tooling to make privately manufactured firearms (PMFs). Nassau County Police charged the man with 73 counts of various weapon violations. Mr. Carey contended that all the firearms and accessories were obtained legally.

But there was a major problem with the raid. The police lacked a warrant, and the employee was not in danger. The employee stated that the dentist thought there was an intruder. The Nassau County Police could have waited to obtain a warrant and comply with the Fourth Amendment, which prohibits unreasonable searches and seizures. Instead, they acted without legal authority, disregarding Carey’s Fourth Amendment rights.

Police obtained written consent to search the home from the dentist’s wife, Darlene Carey, but Ms. Carey did not live there. Further complicating the situation was the fact that the police entered the home before getting written consent. Even if the consent was valid – which is in question since his wife did not live in the residence – consent cannot be retroactive. This means that any evidence the police found was already spoiled (the fruit of the poisonous tree).

New York State Supreme Court Justice Robert Schwartz dismissed all charges, stating that the police should have waited for a judge to sign and authorize a search warrant. Prosecutors appealed the ruling, but the Appellate Division, Second Judicial Department, upheld the dismissal. The raid and apparent violations of Carey’s civil rights led the dentist to sue the police department in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York, a federal trial court.

Mr. Carey is suing for $2 million, alleging multiple violations of his Fourth Amendment rights, which protect individuals from unreasonable searches and seizures. He also alleges false arrest and imprisonment, excessive force, and malicious prosecution. Additionally, he claims emotional distress and that officers were negligently hired, trained, or supervised. He seeks to recover legal fees, compensation for damage to his home, lost income from his dental practice due to reputational damage, and punitive damages.

“Government actors still need to be forced to comply with the constitutional principles of liberty, equality, and due process,” Carey’s attorney, David Gray, told amNewYork Law. “Dr. Carey’s life was completely turned upside down, needlessly, and that’s why we’re seeking relief.”

Mr. Carey also claims that the police have not returned all his property. The police did not just take his firearms and ammunition –  they also took several thousand dollars’ worth of wine that is still missing. The Nassau County Police did not respond to AmmoLand News’s request for comment.

DOJ Warns Virginia It Will Sue Over AR-15 Ban, Gun Control Bills


About John Crump

Mr. Crump is an NRA instructor and a constitutional activist. John has written about firearms, interviewed people from all walks of life, and on the Constitution. John lives in Northern Virginia with his wife and sons, follow him on X at @crumpyss, or at www.crumpy.com.

John Crump




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Friday, April 10, 2026

DOJ Warns Virginia It Will Sue Over AR-15 Ban, Gun Control Bills

For years, gun owners have watched blue-state politicians pass one unconstitutional restriction after another while the federal government mostly stood on the sidelines. That may be changing.

In a April 10, 2026, letter to Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, Assistant Attorney General Harmeet K. Dhillon put the Commonwealth on formal notice: if Virginia enacts a slate of anti-gun bills now sitting on the governor’s desk, the U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division is prepared to sue.

That is the federal government warning a state executive, in writing, that certain proposed gun-control measures appear to violate the Second Amendment and will trigger litigation if signed into law.

The biggest target named in the letter is SB 749, which DOJ says would force Virginia law enforcement agencies to participate in “a practice of unconstitutionally restricting the making, buying, or selling of AR-15s and many other semi-automatic firearms in common use.”

For ordinary gun owners, this is the heart of the issue. Anti-gun lawmakers have incessantly sought to ban the most popular rifles in America as “public safety” measures. AR-15 pattern rifles are not rare, unusual, or outside the American tradition of lawful ownership. They are among the most commonly owned rifles in the country, used for home defense, recreation, training, and competition by millions of law-abiding citizens.

Dhillon’s letter cites the Supreme Court’s 2025 decision in Smith & Wesson Brands, Inc. v. Estados Unidos Mexicanos, noting the Court described AR-15s as “both widely legal and bought by many ordinary consumers.” She also cites Garland v. Cargill, including Justice Sotomayor’s dissent, for the proposition that AR-15s are “commonly available, semiautomatic rifles.” The letter then points to Justice Kavanaugh’s statement respecting denial of certiorari in Snope v. Brown, which referenced arms possessed by “literally tens of millions of Americans.”

In a footnote, the letter acknowledges that the Fourth Circuit currently has contrary precedent, citing Bianchi v. Brown, the case upholding Maryland’s ban on so-called assault weapons. But DOJ flatly says that the case was wrongly decided. That is a major statement. Federal agencies do not lightly send a governor a formal warning letter saying a controlling appellate decision in that circuit was wrong.

The letter also goes beyond rifle bans. Dhillon warns that bills requiring constitutionally protected firearms to be kept in an inoperable state are unconstitutional under District of Columbia v. Heller.

Gun-control advocates love to market storage mandates as “common sense,” but the actual effect is often to make a defensive firearm less useful when seconds matter most. Heller dealt with that problem directly when it struck down a requirement that firearms in the home be rendered and kept inoperable at all times. A gun locked up in a way that prevents ready access for self-defense is not much use when someone kicks your door in at 2 a.m.

Dhillon says Virginia lawmakers have sent the governor several bills that would mirror restrictions struck down in Heller or otherwise interfere with the lawful use of protected arms for self-defense. She then broadens the warning further, stating that the General Assembly has forwarded “over 20 bills” restricting Second Amendment rights.

The Civil Rights Division has now formally created a Second Amendment Section and has already begun bringing Second Amendment cases in federal district and appellate courts. States like Virginia may no longer be able to assume they can pass whatever they want and dare private plaintiffs to spend years and fortunes challenging it.

Under Harmeet Dhillon, the DOJ’s Civil Rights Division has already begun treating the Second Amendment like an actual civil right instead of a constitutional orphan. Her division sued the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department over concealed-carry permit delays after reviewing thousands of applications, sued the District of Columbia over its ban on registering AR-15s and other common semiautomatic firearms, and sued the Virgin Islands Police Department over licensing practices DOJ said reduced the right to bear arms to a “virtual nullity.”

Dhillon’s Civil Rights Division has also filed amicus briefs backing gun owners in major appellate fights, including California’s ammunition background-check case in Rhode v. Bonta and the New Jersey challenge to bans on AR-15s and standard-capacity magazines. In other words, Virginia is not hearing empty talk. It is hearing from a DOJ Civil Rights Division that has already started building a record of intervening when governments treat the Second Amendment as optional.

Of course, gun owners should stay realistic. This letter is not a court order. It is not an injunction. It does not prevent Virginia from enacting these bills on its own. If the Governor Spanberger signs them, litigation will still take time, no matter how aggressive the DOJ chooses to be. It also does nothing to solve the news that the ATF and DOJ plan to enforce Biden-era gun control, as well as a long list of recent betrayals.

However, it is still significant that a formal warning from the Civil Rights Division was sent before the bills were signed into law. It tells Virginia lawmakers and the governor that they are not just picking a fight with gun-rights groups anymore. They may be picking a fight with the federal government as well.

That is exactly what should happen when a state moves to ban some of the most common firearms in America and restrict the ability of law-abiding citizens to keep usable arms for self-defense.

For too long, anti-gun politicians have behaved as though the Second Amendment is the one constitutional right they can regulate, narrow, and insult without consequence. Virginia may be about to learn that this approach comes with consequences after all.

If Governor Spanberger signs these bills, the next fight may not just be in Richmond. It may begin with the Department of Justice walking into federal court and telling a judge that Virginia crossed a constitutional line.

ATF to Keep Biden-Era Frames and Receivers Rule in Place


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor to AmmoLand News and serves as part of the editorial team responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson




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Maryland Democrats Move to Ban Glock-Style Pistols

9mm pistols arranged on a counter of a home-based gun store.
Maryland lawmakers have advanced a bill targeting many Glock-style handguns, raising major constitutional questions over a ban on common-use firearms. iStock-2187744341

Maryland lawmakers have sent a bill to Governor Wes Moore’s desk that would ban most Glock pistols and Glock clones, making it the second state in the nation, after California, to attempt a Glock ban.

Prince George’s County Democrat Del. Nicole Williams introduced the bill in the Maryland House of Delegates as HB 577. A Senate companion bill (SB 334) was introduced by Montgomery County Democrat Sen. Sara Love. Both bills passed the legislature after party-line votes. The legislation criminalizes the transfer of any pistols with a cruciform trigger bar after January 2027. These pistols include Gen 1-5 Glocks and Glock clones. Glocks are one of the most popular firearms brands in the country.

“If you currently own one, you can keep it,” said Williams during the House debate on the bill. “No one is taking your gun away. If Glock modifies its design, you can purchase that new version.”

The bill’s sponsor calls pistols with cruciform trigger bars “machine gun convertible pistols.” They point to so-called “Glock switches” as evidence that these firearms are especially dangerous.

Glock switches enable a user to convert a semi-automatic pistol into a fully automatic machine gun. These devices have largely been imported from Chinese websites. Since these devices were all produced after the passing of the 1986 Hughes Amendment, all these machine gun conversion devices (MCDs) are already illegal on the federal level and are specifically banned by Maryland state law for the general public.

The bill was supported by Michael Bloomberg’s anti-gun group Everytown for Gun Safety. The Baltimore Police Department also campaigned for the bill’s passage. Maryland and Baltimore have both sued Glock over its designs. Glock has redesigned their pistols to make them harder to convert into machine guns. While Glock changed its designs, multiple other companies still use cruciform trigger bars. Glocks remain popular choices for self-defense.

“The danger posed by a firearm modified in this manner is difficult to overstate,” the Police Department said in written testimony. Once the trigger is pulled on a converted weapon, it will “continue to fire, sometimes at a rate of up to 1,200 rounds per minute, until there is no more ammunition.”

Glocks make up a large portion of gun sales for federal firearms licensees (FFL). AmmoLand was informed that Glock sales account for 30% to 40% of all gun sales at Hafer’s Guns in Hagerstown, Maryland. The banning of these pistols will cut into the profits of gun stores, causing them financial hardship. Although Democratic lawmakers claim the law is needed for public safety, gun rights advocates say the bill’s purpose is actually to add hardship for gun owners and gun stores.

Although average Maryland citizens will be banned from acquiring the guns, the bill does have a carveout for those with special privileges. Current and retired police officers are still allowed to buy and transfer the guns. Members of the military will also be allowed to buy older Glocks and Glock clones. Many believe these special privileges are unfair for those who need the guns the most – the average citizens who live in high-crime areas.

The law is expected to be signed by Governor Moore. Legal commentators expect the restriction to be challenged in court because it is constitutionally doubtful.

The United States Supreme Court ruled in Heller that arms in common use cannot be banned. Glock-style pistols are among the most common firearms in the country, accounting for a large share of pistol sales. The Supreme Court’s landmark Bruen opinion also stated that if a conduct is covered by the plain text of the Second Amendment, the state must provide analogues from the founding era to prove a law is consistent with the history and tradition of the nation’s firearms regulations. Maryland will have a hard time providing those analogues.

If the two anti-gun states’ laws are upheld, it could start a tidal wave of bans across liberal states.

First Circuit Says Second Amendment Does Not Protect Buying Guns in Beckwith v. Frey


About John Crump

Mr. Crump is an NRA instructor and a constitutional activist. John has written about firearms, interviewed people from all walks of life, and on the Constitution. John lives in Northern Virginia with his wife and sons, follow him on X at @crumpyss, or at www.crumpy.com.

John Crump




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California’s 11% Gun and Ammo Tax Faces Major Second Amendment Challenge

AB 28’s 11% excise tax on firearms and ammunition iStock-1189937492
Gun dealers are asking a California court to strike AB 28’s 11% excise tax on firearms and ammunition as unconstitutional. IMG iStock-1189937492

California’s 11% excise tax on firearms and ammunition is now facing a serious constitutional challenge, and this time the argument is being put to the court in a posture that could bring a decisive ruling without waiting for a full trial.

In a motion for summary judgment filed in Poway Weapons & Gear v. Gonzales, Poway Weapons & Gear and Sacramento Gun Range are asking the Sacramento County Superior Court to rule that AB 28’s tax scheme violates the Second and Fourteenth Amendments.

At the center of this case is a question every gun owner should be asking: Can a hostile state deliberately price the Second Amendment out of reach for ordinary Americans simply because the people in power despise the right itself?

California’s AB 28 slapped an 11% excise tax on the retail sale of firearms, firearm precursor parts, and ammunition starting July 1, 2024. Technically, Sacramento put the burden on licensed dealers, manufacturers, and ammunition vendors. In reality, everyone knew from day one who was really going to pay for it: the law-abiding gun buyer standing at the counter. That is exactly how it has played out, with dealers adding the charge as a line item on receipts. So while politicians can pretend this is just a tax on industry, ordinary Californians are the ones getting hit with yet another deliberate attempt to make lawful gun ownership more expensive, more burdensome, and harder to exercise.

California will try to hide behind the same tired bureaucratic excuse that this is somehow just a tax on businesses. That is nonsense.

When the state deliberately targets the sale of constitutionally protected firearms and ammunition, knowing full well the bill will be dumped on the backs of the very people trying to lawfully buy them, it is not innocently regulating commerce. It is putting a price tag on the exercise of a constitutional right.

The plaintiffs argue that under Heller, McDonald, and especially Bruen, the Second Amendment does not just protect some hollow, paper right that kicks in only after a firearm is already in your safe. It protects the ability of law-abiding Americans to actually acquire the firearms and ammunition needed to exercise that right in the first place. A right to keep and bear arms is worthless if the government can choke it off at the gun counter by piling targeted taxes and financial barriers onto the very tools the Constitution protects.

California is not going for an outright gun ban here because it knows that would draw immediate fire in court. Instead, it is using the same backdoor playbook anti-gun governments always reach for when a direct attack is harder to pull off. Jack up the cost, bury people in paperwork, and pile on enough regulatory friction that exercising the Second Amendment becomes more difficult, more expensive, and less within reach for ordinary citizens. For years, hostile states have tried to smother gun rights from every angle while pretending they are not really attacking the right itself.

The motion leans heavily on a principle the Supreme Court has recognized in other contexts for decades: government cannot single out the exercise of a constitutional right for special taxation.

The brief points to cases involving the press, voting, and religious exercise, where courts rejected attempts to impose targeted taxes on protected conduct. The reasoning is straightforward and powerful. The state cannot put a special tax on newspapers because it dislikes the press. It cannot put a tax on voting because it wants fewer people to cast ballots. It cannot demand payment as the price of exercising a constitutional liberty and then pretend that liberty is still fully intact.

California would never dare announce an 11% surcharge on attending church, publishing a newspaper, or voting in an election. But when it comes to gun rights, politicians in the state still act as though the normal constitutional rules are optional. That is exactly the mindset the Supreme Court was supposed to shut down when it reminded lower courts and hostile states alike that the Second Amendment is not a second-class right.

SAF’s Director of Legal Operations Bill Sack drove the point home, framing California’s tax for what it really is: an attempt to put a price tag on the exercise of a constitutional right.

“Fundamental rights cannot be hidden by the state behind a paywall,” said SAF Director of Legal Operations Bill Sack. “The Supreme Court has repeatedly ruled that conduct protected by a constitutional right cannot, for any reason, be singled out for special taxation. The right to keep and bear arms guaranteed by the Second Amendment is meaningless if the government has the power to prevent the acquisition of arms and ammunition in the first place. And the power to tax is exactly that – the power to make unavailable. The present tax rate itself is immaterial, the authority to tax a fundamental right at 11% is the authority to tax it 150%. And anyone even superficially aware of California lawmakers’ tendencies know how much they love taxes and hate your gun rights.”

Firearms Policy Coalition President Brandon Combs made the same point in even blunter terms, arguing that California’s tax scheme is unconstitutional and deliberately punitive.

“This unlawful tax scheme is designed to destroy the right to keep and bear arms, and California cannot be allowed to get away with it. You cannot specially tax the exercise of a constitutional right – full stop. If courts allow an 11% tax today, nothing stops them from making it 50% or 100% tomorrow. We are suing to end this direct attack on the rights of peaceable people, and we intend to win,” said FPC President Brandon Combs.

That is why California should get nowhere with the argument that it is only 11%, as if a smaller infringement somehow stops being an infringement. The problem is not the exact number. The problem is that the state is claiming the power to single out a constitutional right for special financial punishment in the first place. Once government gets away with taxing a protected liberty just to make people think twice about exercising it, there is no real limiting principle left. The power to tax a right becomes the power to destroy.

Poway Weapons & Gear remitted $34,666 for the third quarter of 2024 alone, then continued paying significant sums quarter after quarter. Sacramento Gun Range did the same, paying $24,640 for that same quarter before later making additional quarterly payments in the tens of thousands. Those are real financial hits on ordinary gun businesses, and because those costs get passed straight through to the counter, they become direct burdens on law-abiding Californians trying to legally buy firearms and ammunition.

If this tax survives, there is every reason to expect other anti-gun states to copy the model. Lawmakers hostile to the right to keep and bear arms are always looking for new ways to discourage ownership without running headlong into a direct ban that will get them hauled into court. A targeted tax fits that strategy perfectly. Dress it up as public safety, assign the revenue to some politically marketable fund, and then pretend you are not really burdening a right even while you make it more expensive to exercise.

“California is the primordial ooze from which new novel Second Amendment infringement tactics are born,” said SAF founder and Executive Vice President Alan M. Gottlieb. “If this tax is allowed to stand, it’s only a matter of time before every non-2A friendly state across America adopts similar legislation. California taxes gas to dissuade people from driving and cigarettes to dissuade people from smoking, so it’s no secret what the state doing here: taxing guns to dissuade people from exercising their rights.”

This is not about whether California can squeeze more money out of gun stores and gun buyers. It is about whether a hostile state government can use taxation as a weapon against a constitutional liberty it dislikes.

The plaintiffs also come into court with a cleaner posture than a lot of challengers do. They paid the tax, filed refund requests, and went through the administrative process, only to be told that the tax agency lacked authority to grant relief on constitutional grounds unless a higher court had already struck the law down. In other words, the agency effectively admitted the real question has to be answered by the judiciary. That is where the case now stands. The dealers exhausted the process and are now asking the court to decide the legal issue directly.

If California can put the Second Amendment behind a paywall, other states will try it too.

And if courts bless that strategy, then the right to keep and bear arms will remain on the books while being steadily priced further out of reach for the very people it was meant to protect.

SCOTUS Lets Illinois Public Transit Carry Ban Stand, Leaving a Dangerous “Sensitive Places” Theory in Place

 


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor to AmmoLand News and serves as part of the editorial team responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson

 




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