Tuesday, June 30, 2026

Judge Refuses To Toss Most Claims In Fatal ATF Raid Lawsuit Over Bryan Malinowski Killing

Video shows moments before ATF raid on Bryan Malinowski's home where the covered his camera.
Video shows moments before the ATF raid on Bryan Malinowski’s home, where the agent covered the Malinowskis’ camera.

A federal judge has refused to let the government escape most of the wrongful-death lawsuit filed by Maria “Maer” Malinowski after ATF agents fatally shot her husband, Bryan Malinowski, during a predawn raid at their Little Rock, Arkansas, home.

The ruling is not a final judgment against the ATF or the United States, but it is a major procedural defeat for the government. The government asked the court to dismiss all nine Federal Tort Claims Act claims. Judge Lee P. Rudofsky said no to most of that request.

In his June 17 order in Malinowski v. USA et al., the judge allowed claims for wrongful death, assault and battery, negligence, intentional infliction of emotional distress, manslaughter/negligent homicide under Arkansas’ crime-victim statute, battery, aggravated assault, and criminal mischief to move forward. The court dismissed only the FTCA false-imprisonment claim without prejudice and removed ATF itself as a named defendant because FTCA claims proceed against the United States, not the agency directly.

The government wanted this case stopped before discovery could dig deeper into the planning, timing, body-camera failures, and execution of the raid. Instead, most of Maer Malinowski’s claims survived.

A “Routine” Warrant That Ended In Death

The court described the warrant as “a fairly routine search warrant for a fairly routine (alleged) crime.” That alleged crime was dealing in firearms without a license and unlawful acquisition of firearms. That line alone should make every gun owner in America sit up straight.

Bryan Malinowski was not accused of murder, terrorism, armed robbery, or being part of a cartel hit squad. He was suspected of buying and selling firearms without the government’s preferred paperwork. ATF had a search warrant, not an arrest warrant. Yet agents chose a predawn tactical entry into the home of a man they knew had no criminal history and no history of violence.

AmmoLand has covered this case from the beginning, including the fatal raid, the missing body cameras, the congressional grilling of then-ATF Director Steven Dettelbach, the federal lawsuit, and the recent push by Arkansas lawmakers for a Trump DOJ investigation.

The Knock-And-Announce Problem

According to the order, ATF initiated the operation at about 6:02:58 a.m. Agents knocked and shouted for about 19 seconds, waited roughly nine more seconds, and then began forcing entry. The court treated 28 seconds as the relevant wait time before agents started breaking into the home.

The judge found that, taking Maer Malinowski’s allegations as true at this stage, she plausibly alleged that ATF violated the Fourth Amendment.

The court noted that ATF knew several important facts before the raid. Agents knew the home was large. It was dark and they knew the Malinowskis were likely asleep. Agents had covered the doorbell camera. The police siren was chirped for only about 1.5 seconds.

The judge wrote that “28 seconds was not enough time to reasonably suggest to law enforcement that the Malinowskis were refusing them entry.”

Guns In The Home Are Not An Excuse

The government argued that officer safety justified the fast forced entry because agents believed firearms were inside the home. Judge Rudofsky did not buy that as enough.

“The fact that Mr. Malinowski had guns doesn’t make it reasonable to assume he would use them violently,” the court wrote, citing Eighth Circuit precedent that the suspected presence of firearms alone does not justify otherwise unlawful entry.

The court also rejected the idea that evidence destruction justified the fast breach. Unlike drugs, the judge noted, firearms cannot be flushed down a toilet in a matter of seconds.

If the mere presence of firearms in a home were enough to justify rushed forced entry, then the Fourth Amendment would mean less for gun owners than for everyone else. The court did not go that far.

Initial Aggressor Question Cuts Against The Government

The government also argued that Arkansas law immunized the agents because Bryan fired first. The court said that the argument reads too much into the complaint.

The complaint alleges Bryan fired a shot that hit an agent in the boot sole. But the court said it is plausible that the agents were the initial aggressors if they “under the cover of darkness and without identifying themselves” unconstitutionally forced their way into the home with guns drawn.

The court put it bluntly: “Objectively speaking, an unidentified party that unlawfully barges into another’s house in the dark with guns drawn is the initial aggressor.”

What Happens Next

This case is now alive in a meaningful way. The government may try again later at summary judgment, especially after discovery. The judge made clear that Maer Malinowski will not be able to rely only on her complaint forever. But for now, the government failed to shut down most of the case.

That means discovery could become the next major battleground. The public may finally learn more about why ATF waited until Bryan was home, why agents covered the doorbell camera, why body cameras were not used, why less aggressive options were rejected, and why a suspected paperwork/licensing case was handled like a violent felony raid.

For gun owners, the lesson is chilling but simple: when federal agents treat ordinary firearm activity as a reason for military-style tactics, innocent people can die. This lawsuit is one of the few remaining paths to force answers.


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor to AmmoLand News and serves as part of the editorial team responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson




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Monday, June 29, 2026

Wolford v. Lopez Shows Why Gun Rights Are Rights, Not Government Permission Slips

Glock G19 Gen 6 9mm pistol. IMG Duncan Johnson
The Supreme Court’s Wolford v. Lopez ruling struck down Hawaii’s “vampire rule,” reaffirming that the right to carry cannot be turned into a government permission slip. IMG Duncan Johnson

The predictable political reaction to any expansion or defense of constitutional liberty is always the same: when a foundational right becomes too inconvenient for the state to micromanage, bureaucrats and activist jurists will declare the right itself a “failed experiment.”

We are seeing this play out in real time following a historic week at the United States Supreme Court. In the wake of a unanimous ruling protecting firearm possession for citizens like Ali Hemani, the High Court delivered a definitive 6–3 victory for gun owners in Wolford v. Lopez, No. 24-1046, slip op. at 1 (U.S. June 25, 2026).

In an opinion written by Justice Samuel Alito, the Court struck down Hawaii’s restrictive “vampire rule”—so named because, like the vampire myth, a person is barred unless expressly invited in.

The law flipped traditional property rights on their head by forcing concealed-carry permit holders to obtain express, advance permission before stepping onto “any” private property open to the public, from grocery stores to gas stations.

Yet rather than respecting the clear boundary set by the Constitution, the progressive wing of the Court has escalated its rhetoric. In a stinging dissent, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson openly declared that the Court’s objective is merely “protecting guns, not consistently preserving any principle of law.” Joining forces with Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan, she reiterated her demand to “retire the failed ‘Bruen’ experiment,” complaining that anchoring modern laws in the nation’s historical traditions is an unworkable burden for the lower courts. That is a weak argument when our most basic human rights are at stake. Demanding that the state justify its restrictions using our actual constitutional tradition is never “too much to ask” of the legal system.

This frantic critique completely misses the purpose of constitutional jurisprudence. The Bruen standard is not a laboratory experiment; it is an ideological anchor. When Justice Jackson advocates for returning to a system where the state weighs its own “ends and means,” she asks to return to a failed and dangerous status quo where judges can simply balance away an individual’s rights whenever the government provides a compelling excuse or claims the burden is too great.

Structural, timeless truths have a way of outlasting bad policy. Wolford succeeds precisely because it aligns our constitutional framework with a much higher reality: the preservation of life is a natural, foundational right. What God has granted, man cannot erode by turning everyday public spaces into legal traps.

Driving a Stake Through the “Vampire Rules”

Hawaii’s law was dubbed a “vampire rule” because much like the folklore of old, it assumed a law-abiding citizen carrying a tool for self-defense had no right to enter a business without an explicit invitation. Had the Supreme Court allowed this workaround to stand, it would have effectively nullified the Second Amendment in daily life. A citizen could carry a firearm on a public sidewalk, but the moment they stepped into a shop to buy a bottle of water or stopped to pump gas, they would become a criminal.

As Justice Alito rightly observed, such restrictions “hobble what the Second Amendment protects: the right of Americans to carry arms for self-defense as they go about their daily lives.”

Justice Jackson’s dissent attempted to reframe the argument, claiming Wolford was a matter of “property rights” rather than gun rights. But traditional property law has always dictated that businesses open to the public are presumptively accessible unless the owner affirmatively posts a sign or asks an individual to leave. Hawaii attempted to use the heavy hand of the state to enforce an anti-gun default.

The Wolford decision reinforces a clear continuum established by the Court’s most vital precedents:

  • District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008): Decisively affirmed that the Second Amendment protects an individual right to possess a firearm centered on the lawful purpose of self-defense.
  • McDonald v. City of Chicago, 561 U.S. 742 (2010): Incorporated that individual right against the states, ensuring local governments cannot arbitrarily strip citizens of their tools for survival.
  • N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n v. Bruen, 597 U.S. 1 (2022): Solidified that the right to bear arms extends beyond the home and into the public square.

To argue that 21st-century problems cannot be solved with founding-era constitutional principles is to argue that the Bill of Rights itself is obsolete. The technology of speech and firearms may evolve, but the fundamental nature of human liberty does not.

Thought Throughout History: The Natural Law vs. Legislative Whim

Long before the Framers gathered in Philadelphia, the greatest legal and philosophical minds understood that self-defense is not a gift from a government body. It is an immutable component of human existence that no legislative body has the moral authority to “balance” away.

The Roman statesman Cicero captured this immortal truth in 52 B.C., writing:

“This, then, is a law, O judges, not written, but born with us; which we have not learnt, or received by tradition, or read, but which we have taken and sucked in from nature itself; a law which we were not taught, but to which we were made, that if our life be brought into danger by any treachery . . . every means of securing our safety is honorable.”

Centuries later, William Blackstone, whose Commentaries on the Laws of England shaped the American Founders and is still studied closely by first-year law students, described the “right of having and using arms for self-preservation and defense” as an essential safeguard against both the “violence of oppression” and ordinary criminal threats.

When modern jurists complain that historical standards are too rigid, they are arguing for a “living” constitution that shifts with the political winds. But our Founders were explicitly clear that they were recognizing an inherent right, not creating an artificial one that a state legislature could tweak at will. Samuel Adams echoed this perfectly during the Boston convention of 1772:

“Among the natural rights of the Colonists are these: First, a right to life; Secondly, to liberty; Thirdly, to property; together with the right to support and defend them in the best manner they can.”

The Divine Sanction of Self-Preservation

For those who view the world through a lens of faith, the legal arguments only mirror a deeper, spiritual reality that no modern legislative “ends and means” assessment can alter. Scripture does not command believers to forfeit their safety to the bureaucratic state or wait for a bureaucrat’s permission to protect their families. The protection of life, which is made in the image of God, is treated as a solemn duty.

In the Old Testament, the law acknowledged a clear distinction between cold-blooded violence and justifiable protection. Exodus 22:2 notes that if a thief is caught breaking in at night and is struck with a fatal blow, there is no bloodguilt for the defender. The home and the family are spheres requiring active stewardship and protection.

In the New Testament, even as Christ prepared for His ultimate sacrifice, He gave a practical instruction to His disciples regarding the realities of an unsafe world. In Luke 22:36, He told them:

“But now if you have a purse, take it, and also a bag; and if you don’t have a sword, sell your cloak and buy one.”

The sword was the premier tool of personal defense in the ancient world. Christ’s instruction acknowledged that while believers rely on divine providence, they are also expected to use wisdom and practical means to preserve their safety in a broken world.

The True Measure of Liberty

Justice Jackson’s assertion that the Court is merely “protecting guns” reveals a fundamental misunderstanding of the conservative majority’s jurisprudence. The Court is not protecting a piece of metal; it is protecting the “person” holding it. It is protecting the fundamental human right not to be left defenseless by a state government that seeks a monopoly on violence.

Wolford v. Lopez and Bruen did not expand gun rights; they restricted government overreach. They reminded the judicial and legislative classes that the Constitution is a document designed to limit the state, not the citizen.

When a law-abiding citizen walks into a store or goes about their daily errands, their right to carry the means to defend their life does not depend on a state-mandated presumption of guilt. It depends on a right woven into history, nature, and the fabric of creation. Mankind can pass laws, write ordinances, and express judicial frustration until the judicial ink runs dry, but man cannot erode what God has granted. Wolford simply ensures that the state cannot bypass the Constitution through clever legislative tricks, forcing the law of the land to respect what is written.

May the American people never forget that liberty is not granted by bureaucrats, nor preserved by timid compromise, but defended by citizens who understand that rights come from God, not government. True American freedom endures only so long as free people are willing to defend it, sacrifice for it, and stand unbowed against every force that would shrink it into permission instead of right.


About Sean Maloney

Sean Maloney is a criminal defense attorney, co-founder of Second Call Defense, and an NRA-certified firearms instructor. He is a nationally recognized speaker on critical topics, including the Second Amendment, self-defense, the use of lethal force, and concealed carry. Sean has worked on numerous use-of-force and self-defense cases and has personally trained hundreds of civilians to respond safely and legally to life-threatening situations. He is a passionate advocate for restoring the cultural legitimacy of the Second Amendment and promoting personal responsibility in self-defense.Sean Maloney




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Trump Picks Todd Blanche for Attorney General, Raising Big Questions for Gun Rights

Henry-X 38special SilencerCo Osprey45. Heavy 38 special rounds fired from a carbine with a suppressor like this SilencerCo Osprey 45 from Silencer Shop are absurdly quiet.
Todd Blanche has promised a new direction at DOJ, but Second Amendment advocates are watching whether that includes a change in NFA litigation. IMG Jim Grant

President Donald Trump has nominated Todd Blanche as the next U.S. Attorney General, following Pam Bondi’s dismissal.

Mr. Blanche is currently serving as acting Attorney General for the Trump Administration. Many gun rights activists hope he will be better on gun rights than Bondi, who was seen as a disappointment due to her perceived lack of support for expanding gun rights and her support for certain gun control measures, such as defending the National Firearms Act (NFA) regulations on suppressors, short-barreled rifles (SBRs), short-barreled shotguns (SBSs), and any other weapons (AOWs).

Mr. Blanche, originally from suburban Denver, graduated from American University and Brooklyn Law School while working as a paralegal. He clerked for federal judges, served for over 15 years with the Department of Justice, and was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Southern District of New York, where he co-led the violent crimes unit. Blanche left the DOJ in 2014 to join the law firms WilmerHale and Cadwalader. He later joined Wickersham & Taft as a partner in the white-collar defense practice. He would go on to represent Donald Trump in multiple criminal cases (e.g., hush money, classified documents, and election-related charges).

Will Blanche Walk The Walk On The Second Amendment?

When Trump recaptured the White House, he appointed Blanche as Deputy Attorney General, then Acting Attorney General. He has worked closely with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) Director Robert Cekada on improving the ATF’s stance on gun policy to stop targeting law-abiding gun owners. These efforts include backing a landmark package of 34 regulatory reforms at the DOJ/ATF, described as the most comprehensive in history. These reforms aim to align rules with Supreme Court precedents (Bruen, Heller), reduce burdens on FFLs and owners, eliminate ambiguity, and prevent inconsistent enforcement.

Mr. Blanche has family ties to the gun industry. His wife’s family has been in the gun industry for decades. His father-in-law founded Checkmate Industries in 1968. Checkmate Industries manufactures magazines and related products. He has been open about these connections, including the fact that his mother has a concealed carry permit.

“My mom, for the first time, just told me she has a concealed carry permit!” Blanche told Tom Gresham on Gun Talk Radio. “That’s okay, I love it!”

Mr. Blanche has pushed back against using isolated criminal acts to justify broader restrictions on law-abiding citizens. These restrictions included the Biden Administration’s zero-tolerance policy against federal firearms licensees (FFLs) that shuttered gun stores across the country. This shift shows a willingness to go after criminals instead of targeting Americans for practicing a fundamental right.

“They are no longer going after FFLs,” Blanche said. “There’s no longer a zero-tolerance policy where if you don’t cross a T or dot an I, we’re going to shut you down.”

Mr. Blanche is on record stating that his goal is to make changes structurally difficult to undo by future administrations. These changes would theoretically stop an anti-gun President from coming in and changing things back. Blanche believes the best way to do this is to expand gun rights as far as possible while he holds power.

“Going back to the Reagan administration, the gun industry takes two steps forward. And then a Democrat comes in and takes us eight steps back,” he said. “We’re not going to take two steps forward. We’re going to go forward a mile.”

Although Blanche “talks the talk” at events such as the National Rifle Association’s Annual Meeting (NRAAM), it remains to be seen if he “walks the walk.”

A good way to prove that he is a defender of the Second Amendment is to order the Department of Justice to stop defending the NFA against the multiple legal challenges. This one action would prove his pedigree on gun rights.


About John Crump

Mr. Crump is an NRA instructor and a constitutional activist. John has written about firearms, interviewed people from all walks of life, and on the Constitution. John lives in Northern Virginia with his wife and sons, follow him on X at @right2bear, or at www.crumpy.com.

John Crump




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Sunday, June 28, 2026

DOJ Withholds Rights Restoration Records Citing Privacy Concerns

DOJ Responds to Gun Rights Restoration FOIA Request
What criteria must citizens seeking similar relief need to meet to prove themselves eligible for equal treatment? (img Duncan Johnson)

A June 15 letter to attorney Stephen Stamboulieh from the Department of Justice confirms DOJ is digging in against providing records responsive to a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request concerning the restoration of firearm rights to individuals who have been identified as eligible.

“We previously provided you with an interim response on March 26, 2026. We have now completed the processing of an additional fourteen pages of material responsive to your request,” Senior Counsel Vanessa R. Brinkmann advises.  “At this time, I have determined that all fourteen pages should be withheld in full pursuant to Exemption 6 of the FOIA, 5 U.S.C. § 552(b)(6). Exemption 6 pertains to information the release of which would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy. Please be advised that we have considered the foreseeable harm standard when reviewing records and applying FOIA exemption.”

DOJ is trying to close the door on a request submitted in April of last year that attempted to determine DOJ decision-making criteria when it identified 10 individuals, including actor/director Mel Gibson, for firearms restoration. Because it’s so easy to end up on the prohibited persons list (including the innocent pleading out to avoid great expense and threatened draconian punishment if they lose), it seemed in the interests of gun owners to know what criteria were used and who is likely to be eligible for consideration.

The FOIA request was an attempt to determine how those particular individuals were selected in order to clarify how other citizens could be included, by asking for:

All records “reviewed” by the Attorney General for each individual listed in the filing;

All records “that each individual submitted” to receive relief under 18 U.S.C. 925(c); and

All other records not “submitted” by the list of individuals but relied upon by the Attorney General in establishing that “each individual will not be likely to act in a manner dangerous to public safety and that the granting of the relief to each individual would not be contrary to the public interest.”

Since the government did not respond to the request in the time required by law, a complaint was filed last Sept. 25 in the United States District Court in the District of Columbia asking the court to order DOJ to conduct a responsive search, produce non-exempt records and enjoin DOJ from continuing to withhold records.

“No response is required…  Plaintiff is not entitled to compel the production of any record… This Court lacks subject matter jurisdiction… Plaintiff is neither eligible for nor entitled to attorney’s fees [and] Plaintiff’s request is improper to the extent is it unduly burdensome,” US Attorney Jeanine Ferris Pirro and Assistant US Attorney John J. Pardo  argued in the Department’s answer, filed Dec. 19.

Despite that court filing, Brinkmann’s March interim response indicated they had identified such records. Her latest reply now tells us they won’t provide them.

The thing is, the FOIA request never asked for anything that was not a matter of nonexempt record and that would be violative of privacy rights, and the intent behind the effort was simply to help determine what criteria citizens seeking similar relief would need to meet to prove themselves eligible for equal treatment.

While, per the Office of the Pardon Attorney, the proposed rule has been published in the Federal Register and the comment period is over, a final rule with procedures to petition for rights restoration and an online application form have yet to be issued. And while it’s true the proposed rule offers generic guidance on eligibility, the devil is in the details:

Under § 107.1(7) and (8) of the proposed rule, those convicted of certain serious offenses that are not the violent or sexual offenses discussed above, may be considered for relief 10 years after the completion of their sentences based on their individualized circumstances without triggering the presumptive disqualification set forth in this rule. For all other offenses, as specified in § 107.1(a)(9), the Department has selected a presumptively disqualifying time-period of 5 years based on a review of the research and a need to balance public safety with individual rights.

In terms of rendering a decision, things get amorphous.

“The Attorney General may consider the elements of the statute of conviction and conclude that those elements, standing alone, necessarily match the offenses listed in the proposed rule and thereby presumptively render relief to be not in the interest of public safety,” the proposed rule states. “The rule also would clarify that the Attorney General’s decision whether to grant relief will be based on all the relevant circumstances, rather than a blindered approach that looks only at the facts that led to the applicant’s federal firearm disability.”

That could make ensuring equivalent outcomes problematic. Noting “the Department estimates that approximately 1 million people will apply for relief [estimated at $20 per application] within the first year of the program” requiring “50 FTE [Full-Time Equivalent] personnel,” there will be much room for variations. The need to apply consistent criteria is not only a matter of basic fairness, but of law.

That’s why release of requested records, without disclosing exempt information, will help ensure that, and DOJ’s blanket refusal,  by claiming doing so would be  “a clearly unwarranted invasion of personal privacy,” seems more a hollow deflection than anything else. After all, it was the administration that released their names to the public in what was clearly to its political advantage by appealing to the “gun voters” it relies on.

In terms of continuing with this complaint, attorney Stamboulieh is working with DOJ on the next steps. Further developments will be reported in this column.


About David Codrea:

David Codrea is the winner of multiple journalist awards for investigating/defending the RKBA and a long-time gun owner rights advocate who defiantly challenges the folly of citizen disarmament. He blogs at “The War on Guns: Notes from the Resistance,” is a regularly featured contributor to Firearms News, and posts on Twitter: @dcodrea and Facebook.

David Codrea




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Tennessee Fights to Revive “Going Armed” Law After Court Rules It Unconstitutional

Tennessee’s attempt to revive two gun-control statutes moved to the Court of Appeals on June 23, 2026, as judges heard argument in Stephen L. Hughes, et al. v. Bill Lee, et al., a major right-to-carry case challenging the state’s “Going Armed” law and its ban on carrying firearms in many public recreational areas.

The case stems from a ruling by a special three-judge Chancery Court panel that declared Tenn. Code Ann. § 39-17-1307(a)(1), the state’s “Going Armed” statute, and Tenn. Code Ann. § 39-17-1311(a), the Parks Statute, unconstitutional, void, and of no effect.

At issue is whether Tennessee can continue treating ordinary public carry as a criminal offense under a vague “intent to go armed” theory, and whether the state can broadly prohibit carry across large areas of public land. For gun owners, the case is about far more than technical statutory language. It is about whether Tennessee’s carry laws can survive the Supreme Court’s modern Second Amendment test after Heller, Bruen, and Rahimi.

The laws are leftovers from the Reconstruction era, when they were designed to keep freed slaves and other disfavored groups disarmed.  Here is a link to a copy of the order of the three judge panel.

Three-Judge Panel Ruled the Statutes Unconstitutional

The case was filed as a civil lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the two statutes. The case was referred from the Chancery Court in Gibson County. Chancery Courts in Tennessee are equity courts. They do not hear criminal cases. The Gibson County Court referred the case to the Tennessee Supreme Court, which created a three judge panel Chancery Court, as required by Tennessee law, specifically to hear civil cases challenging the constitutionality of Tennessee statutes.

The Supreme Court created the three judge panel to hear the case in accordance with Rule 54, as meeting the requirements of a civil challenge that:

(1) challenges the constitutionality of a state statute, including a statute that apportions or redistricts state legislative or congressional districts; or an executive order; or an administrative rule or regulation; and

(2) includes a claim for declaratory judgment or injunctive relief;

The three judge Chancery Court, created by the Supreme Court, held for the plaintiffs the challenged statutes were facially invalid. They infringed on rights protected by the Second Amendment. From the last page of the opinion:

 “For the foregoing reasons, Plaintiffs’ Motion for Summary Judgment is GRANTED, and Defendants’ Motion for Summary Judgment is DENIED. As a result, the Going Armed Statute, Tenn. Code Ann.§ 39 J7-l307(a),38 and the Parks Statute, Tenn. Code Ann.§ 39-17-131 J(a), are hereby DECLARED unconstitutional, void, and of no effect.”

State Argues Jurisdiction and Facial-Challenge Issues

The State of Tennessee appealed the decision. It is the oral arguments of the appeal which were heard on June 23, 2026. Judge Andy D. Bennet asked most of the questions.

Mr. Edwin A. Groves, Jr. submitted oral arguments for the state. The major argument appeared to be a claim the Chancery Court does not have jurisdiction in the case. The claim was Chancery Courts cannot hear criminal cases. But, the case is a civil challenge to the validity of a criminal statute, not a criminal case. The Supreme Court appointed the panel.  Judge Bennet appeared skeptical of the idea the Supreme Court would appoint a court without jurisdiction in the case.

Mr. Groves also claimed the Appellees could not win a facial challenge, because the laws could apply to “dangerous and unusual weapons” and/or that the intent to go armed could mean the same as going armed to the terror of the public.

Judge Bennet asked if the case is about the Second Amendment, because the Tennessee Constitution cannot have less protection than the Second Amendment. This clarified the merits of the case were about infringements on the Second Amendment.

John I. Harris, III. gave the oral arguments for the appellees. He first decreed this was a civil case, not a criminal case, and the three judge Chancery court had jurisdiction. Then he made clear the statutes in question infringed on Second Amendment rights.  He cited law to the effect states may not use procedural mechanisms to defeat a right the federal courts would uphold.

Harris also stated the Supreme Court in Heller, Bruen, and Rahimi held the fringe issues of “Dangerous and unusual weapons” or “going armed to the terror” of the public did not invalidate the facial challenge, because they did not invalidate the challenge in the Supreme Court decisions Heller, Bruen, or Rahimi.

It is difficult to understand why the State of Tennessee is challenging the three judge Chancery court on this issue. The Tennessee statutes clearly infringe on Second Amendment rights. The State is primarily arguing procedural issues. It is difficult to see how this benefits Governor Lee or the State of Tennessee.


About Dean Weingarten:

Dean Weingarten has been a peace officer, a military officer, was on the University of Wisconsin Pistol Team for four years, and was first certified to teach firearms safety in 1973. He taught the Arizona concealed carry course for fifteen years until the goal of Constitutional Carry was attained. He has degrees in meteorology and mining engineering, and retired from the Department of Defense after a 30 year career in Army Research, Development, Testing, and Evaluation.

Dean Weingarten




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Friday, June 26, 2026

Supreme Court’s Wolford Decision Could Blow A Hole In New Jersey’s AR-15 Ban Defense

AR-15 Rifle. img Duncan Johnson
The Supreme Court’s Wolford decision could reshape how courts review New Jersey’s ban on so-called assault firearms. img Duncan Johnson

The Supreme Court’s decision in Wolford v. Lopez was about Hawaii’s attempt to turn most private property open to the public into gun-free zones by default. But the ruling may have just handed gun owners in New Jersey a powerful new weapon in the fight against the state’s ban on so-called “assault firearms.”

On June 26, attorneys for the Cheeseman plaintiffs in Association of New Jersey Rifle and Pistol Clubs v. Attorney General notified the Third Circuit that Wolford directly affects the pending challenge to New Jersey’s semiautomatic firearm ban.

Their point is simple: New Jersey cannot force gun owners to prove at the starting line that banned firearms are “in common use” before the Second Amendment even applies. Under Wolford, the first question is much more basic.

Does the law regulate “Arms”? If yes, the Constitution is already in play.

Wolford Reaffirms The Plain Text Test

Justice Samuel Alito, writing for the Court in Wolford, explained that Bruen’s first step asks whether the law falls within the Second Amendment’s plain text. That includes whether the law concerns “Arms,” meaning weapons “customarily used for offensive or defensive purposes,” according to the Court.

Phrasing matters. The Second Amendment does not protect only whatever gun a state lawyer is willing to admit is useful for home defense. It does not protect only handguns. It does not protect only muskets. It protects “Arms.” And Wolford confirms that the category includes weapons customarily used for offensive or defensive purposes. That is a problem for New Jersey.

That matters in Cheeseman because New Jersey’s ban plainly regulates firearms. Not accessories. Not conduct divorced from arms. Firearms.

The Cheeseman letter seizes on that language, telling the Third Circuit that “the only predicate question” is whether the law concerns “Arms.” The plaintiffs argue that the answer is “beyond dispute,” meaning the Second Amendment presumptively protects possession of the banned firearms. From there, the burden shifts to New Jersey.

That is the part anti-gun states hate. They want gun owners trapped in a never-ending preliminary debate over whether AR-15s, modern semiautomatic rifles, and similar arms are common enough, useful enough, or favored enough by judges to count. Wolford makes that harder.

New Jersey’s Common-Use Argument Takes A Hit

New Jersey has argued that “common use” belongs at the threshold stage of the case. In other words, the state wants courts to ask whether the banned arms are common before deciding whether the Second Amendment applies.

The Cheeseman plaintiffs say Wolford rejects that exact move.

Quoting Wolford, the letter notes that such considerations are “out of place at Bruen’s first step.” At that stage, the Court said, the question is whether the law falls within the Second Amendment’s “plain text.” That distinction is critical.

Common use still matters, but not the way New Jersey wants it to matter. Under Heller and Bruen, the government may try to defend a ban by proving the arms are “dangerous and unusual.” But that is the government’s burden. It is not supposed to be a precondition gun owners must satisfy before their rights are recognized.

New Jersey does not get to say, “Prove your guns are protected before we have to justify banning them.” Wolford says the plain text comes first.

Barrett’s Concurrence Makes The Point Even Sharper

Justice Amy Coney Barrett’s concurrence is also important for Cheeseman. She warned against letting governments “smuggle additional limits” into the plain-text stage of Second Amendment analysis.

That is exactly what New Jersey appears to be trying to do. If a state can redefine Bruen step one by importing parts of the historical analysis into the threshold question, then the government can water down the Second Amendment before the real test even begins.

That gives the Cheeseman plaintiffs a clean response. The Second Amendment protects “the right of the people to keep and bear Arms.” Once a ban targets arms and restricts possession, the state has to justify the restriction through history and tradition.

Jackson’s Dissent Helps Clarify The Fight

Interestingly, the Cheeseman letter also points to Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson’s dissent. Jackson disagreed with the majority’s application of Bruen, but she described the majority’s rule as requiring courts to look only to the Second Amendment’s “plain text” at step one.

That matters because even the dissent understood what the majority had done. Wolford separates the plain-text inquiry from the historical-analogue inquiry. The plaintiffs in Cheeseman are now telling the Third Circuit to apply that separation to New Jersey’s rifle ban.

The End of Assault Weapon Bans?

Wolford was not an “assault weapon” case, and it did not directly decide whether bans on AR-15s are unconstitutional. But Supreme Court decisions often reshape pending cases by clarifying the test lower courts must use.

Here, the clarification is bad news for New Jersey.

Modern semiautomatic rifles are unquestionably “Arms.” They are weapons. They are owned by millions of Americans. They are used for lawful purposes, including self-defense, training, competition, and home protection. Under Wolford, that should be enough to trigger Second Amendment protection at the plain-text stage.

Then New Jersey must prove its ban fits the nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation. That is where these bans have always been weakest. There is no founding-era tradition of banning an entire class of commonly owned firearms because politicians dislike their appearance, features, or popularity.

The Third Circuit now has fresh Supreme Court guidance sitting directly in front of it.

For New Jersey gun owners, Wolford may not be the final shot in Cheeseman. But it may have just made the state’s job a whole lot harder.


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor to AmmoLand News and serves as part of the editorial team responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson




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Supreme Court Says Courts Can’t Smuggle Gun Control Into Bruen Step One

AR-15 Rifle. IMG Scott Witner
The Supreme Court’s Wolford v. Lopez ruling did more than strike down Hawaii’s “vampire law.” It warned lower courts not to smuggle gun-control arguments into Bruen Step One before the government has to prove a historical tradition. IMG Scott Witner

The Supreme Court of the United States issued a landmark ruling in Wolford v. Lopez that struck down Hawaii’s so-called “vampire law,” but the decision’s impact extends far beyond that single victory. The opinion provides crucial clarification that lower courts cannot employ certain procedural strategies to evade rulings against restrictive gun control measures.

On the surface, Wolford addresses whether private property owners must post “gun welcome” signs before individuals may lawfully carry firearms on their premises. However, like many other landmark Second Amendment decisions, Wolford transcends this narrow issue. It delivers important guidance on how courts must properly apply the constitutional framework established in Bruen and Heller.

Bruen Step One Just Got Harder to Beat

The most significant clarification is that courts may no longer shoehorn gun-control reasoning into Step One of the Bruen analysis.

Step One focuses strictly on the plain text of the Second Amendment. If the regulated individual is part of “the people” and the arm in question is “bearable,” the conduct is presumptively protected. Liberal courts have repeatedly attempted to dismiss cases at this early stage by asserting that certain popular arms, such as AR-15-style rifles, fall outside constitutional protection.

The Wolford decision firmly rejects this tactic, making clear that such maneuvering cannot be used to bypass Step Two’s historical-tradition analysis.

In Footnote 1, Associate Justice Amy Coney Barrett wrote: “No one disputes that the Second Amendment’s text has a fixed meaning that must be satisfied before a law is deemed presumptively unconstitutional.” She noted the disagreement centers on whether courts can improperly import additional limits from regulatory tradition into the plain-text inquiry. “The answer is and always has been no.”

Associate Justice Samuel Alito reinforced the two-step structure from Bruen, emphasizing that courts must first determine whether the challenged law implicates the core protections of the Amendment regarding “the people,” “keep[ing],” and “bear[ing]” Arms.

Another common tactic courts have used to uphold “assault weapons” bans is to claim that firearms like AR-15s are not “in common use” specifically for self-defense. In Heller, the Court held that arms in common use cannot be banned, yet anti-gun courts have tried to append “for self-defense” to narrow that protection. This strained interpretation has been deployed to justify not only bans on commonly owned rifles but also restrictions on magazines and other accessories.

What “Offensive or Defensive Purposes” Means for Gun Owners

Wolford firmly rejects this reasoning. It clarifies that the Second Amendment protects “weapons customarily used for offensive or defensive purposes,” not merely those carried for self-defense.

Heller never intended to confine the right to a narrow self-defense test; rather, it safeguards arms for all lawful purposes. Wolford confirms that bearable arms in common use are protected regardless of whether they are handguns or other types of firearms. A defensive firearm is one someone might carry outside the home for self-defense, such as a pistol that millions of Americans carry every day. Firearms kept mainly inside the home can be used for defensive purposes, but they can also be used legally for offensive purposes, such as clearing a house in case of an intruder. Also, guns like AR-15s can be used for hunting. This is not a defensive purpose. It is an offensive purpose.

Americans also have the right to bear arms to resist tyranny. In fact, that is the main purpose of the Second Amendment.

Wolford makes it clear these arms are protected under the Second Amendment and deviates from the anti-gun idea that the primary function of a gun must be for self-defense to be protected by the Second Amendment. Since many anti-gun defendants have argued that the Second Amendment only applies to firearms that are primarily used for self-defense, their arguments now fall short.

Thanks to this ruling, anti-gun courts will face significantly greater difficulty in upholding unconstitutional restrictions. By closing off these procedural loopholes, Wolford strengthens the Second Amendment’s safeguards and ensures more faithful application of constitutional text and history.

This opinion will have lasting ramifications far beyond Hawaii’s “vampire rule,” providing a powerful tool for defenders of the right to keep and bear arms across the country for years to come.


About John Crump

Mr. Crump is an NRA instructor and a constitutional activist. John has written about firearms, interviewed people from all walks of life, and on the Constitution. John lives in Northern Virginia with his wife and sons, follow him on X at @right2bear, or at www.crumpy.com.

John Crump




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