Will a Texas Democrat Replace a Gun Control RINO in the U.S. Senate?

With the ballots counted in the Republican run-off elections at the end of May, the race is on to become Texas’s new junior U.S. Senator.

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton ended John Cornyn’s quarter-century incumbency, taking 63.8% of the run-off votes.

In reality, Cornyn ended his time in office all by himself when he sold out to Connecticut Senator Chris Murphy and helped send the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act to Joe Biden in 2022.

Paxton comes with a bit of baggage, so gunners and 2A advocates are paying close attention to Texas State Representative James Talarico, the Democratic Party nominee.

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On Monday, June 8, Talarico had a conversation with Houston attorney Dan Cogdell. Among the topics was Talarico’s position on gun control:

“So, um, and then you mentioned guns. I am a believer in the Second Amendment. I don’t pick and choose between the Bill of Rights.

“I believe in the Second Amendment just as much as I believe in the first. We have a right to bear arms, to protect ourselves, our families. We have a right to own weapons for sport or for hunting.

“But like any freedom in the Bill of Rights, it’s not absolute. Um, you have a freedom of speech, but you can’t yell ‘fire’ in a crowded building.¹ Um, you have a freedom to assemble, to protest, but you you need a permit uh before you go, you know, start a rally on a street corner somewhere.²

“The same is true for our Second Amendment. We’ve got to keep guns out of the hands of dangerous criminals. We’ve got to make sure that we’ve got safe storage laws and and background checks so that we’re keeping everybody safe.

“My my granddad, my grandpa Talarico, taught me how to shoot in Harper, Texas on his ranch. And the thing he emphasized the most was safety. How to how to operate a firearm safely.

“And so I think that’s a common value that we all share in this conversation is how do we how do we defend and protect the Second Amendment while also keeping everyone safe. And it’s going to be a balance.

“Uh, but right now, we have we have extremes on this issue. We have people on the left who are trying to take away people’s guns and we have people on the right uh like the NRA, that don’t want to see any regulations. And so what I’m looking for is kind of a middle path, a common sense path to defend our constitutional rights and also protect our safety.”

When he was campaigning for the nomination, Talarico had a “town hall” meeting on YouTube channels Twobilee and Jubilee. He added in the obligatory mention of Uvalde but, like most Democrats, neglected to mention the scandalous law enforcement response.

So Talarico talks the talk. In fact, he tries to hit every Democrat talking point. But does he really walk the walk?

In the 2018 midterm elections, Talarico was elected to the first of four terms as a member of the Texas House of Representatives. That was the 86th session of the Texas Legislature and gun rights and gun control were hot topics. The session included the first big push for constitutional carry (I wrote a white paper supporting James Stickland’s HB 357).

Talarico authored three gun-related bills in that first session. All three died in committee.

The 87th Session was the one in which both constitutional carry and Second Amendment Sanctuary bills became law. The 88th Session was the first after Uvalde. Both sessions had lots of gun control bills introduced, but Talarico didn’t author any of them.

His final gun-related bill was HB 5025, which would have prohibited the carrying of guns and other weapons in public libraries. Like his earlier bills, HB 5025 died in committee.

Based on everything we’ve seen, James Talarico will be a faithful gun-grabber if Texas voters send him to the Senate in November.

The silver lining in Talarico’s victory is the fact he knocked outspoken loose cannon Jasmine Crockett out of the running.

One thing Ken Paxton will need to counter Democrat claims is Texas’s outcomes after constitutional carry went into effect in September 2021.

According to data from the FBI and the Texas Department of Public Safety, the state’s violent crime rate is down 13 percent, the aggravated assault rate dropped about nine percent, and the murder rate plunged 26 percent. These are all better than the national improvements.

1. Nonsense! There is nothing to prevent you from yelling “Fire!” in a crowded theater, especially if there is actually a fire. There are unpleasant consequences only if your alarm is a joke or intended to create a panic and then only after you’ve done it.

2. Once again, this is a false equivalency. If you own a piece of property large enough to hold a demonstration, you don’t need a a government permit. It’s only when your group wants to use public property, like a park or street, that a permit might be required, and that’s so the permitting authority can allocate resources, such as cordoning off the area or providing police services.

The right to keep and bear arms is the only Enumerated Right a citizen has to get government permission before it can be exercised. With all the other rights, the assumption is that you won’t misuse or abuse the right (innocent until proven guilty). When it comes to Second Amendment rights, the assumption is that you will .

ATF Reform Package Sends Everytown Into Full Gun-Control Meltdown

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About Bill Cawthon

Bill Cawthon first became a gun owner 55 years ago. He has been an active advocate for Americans’ civil liberties for more than a decade. He is the information director for the Second Amendment Society of Texas.

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Delaware Supreme Court Hears Challenge to Gun Ban on Adults Under 21

The Delaware Supreme Court heard arguments in a major challenge to HB 451, the state law restricting firearm ownership and possession by adults ages 18 to 20. iStock-2200672379

On June 10, 2026, the Delaware Supreme Court heard oral arguments in DE Department of Safety and Homeland Security, et al. v. Birney, et al., a dispute over whether Delaware can stop adults under 21 from buying or owning most firearms. The justices convened for a case that gun rights advocates treat as a defining test of how far state constitutional protections stretch for young adults.

The fight began with House Bill 451, which then-Governor John Carney signed on June 30, 2022. The law raised the minimum age to purchase, own, possess, or control most firearms in Delaware from 18 to 21.

A 1968 federal statute already blocked anyone under 21 from buying handguns, but HB 451 reached further—covering rifles and broadening the handgun rules to include ownership and possession—while carving out exceptions for shotguns and muzzle-loading rifles, as well as for active-duty military, law enforcement, and concealed-carry permit holders. It also required hunters between 18 and 20 to stay under the direct supervision of a person 21 or older.

Gavin J. Birney, a Delaware hunter who wanted to buy a firearm before turning 21, challenged the measure right after Carney signed it. The Delaware State Sportsmen’s Association, the NRA’s state affiliate, joined him along with the Bridgeville Rifle and Pistol Club. After the Court of Chancery dismissed the matter, the Kent County Superior Court took it up.

On August 29, 2025, Superior Court Judge Reneta L. Green-Streett granted summary judgment for the challengers and struck down HB 451’s age restrictions, finding that they clashed with Article I, Section 20 of the Delaware Constitution, which provides that “a person has the right to keep and bear arms for the defense of self, family, home and state, and for hunting and recreational use.”

She concluded that “at a minimum, some provisions of HB 451 infringe on the right of a subsection of adults, aged 18 to 20,” leaving intact the parts of the law that don’t touch that age group.

The state appealed, which flipped the caption and put the Department of Safety and Homeland Security in the lead as appellant. The challengers filed a cross appeal, signaling they want broader relief than the trial court delivered.

Gun rights organizations believe the case goes beyond one hunter. They argue that Article I, Section 20 protects more than the federal Second Amendment because it spells out defense of self, family, home, and state alongside hunting and recreation.

In their lawsuit, the challengers said lawmakers passed HB 451 “in defiance” of both the U.S. Supreme Court and the Delaware Supreme Court, courts that had already recognized a fundamental right to self defense.

The DSSA’s complaint described the statute as turning young adults into “criminals—felons—for exercising one of their most exalted rights.” DSSA president and executive director Jeff Hague called the law “downright despicable” and said the group went to court “to vindicate those rights and to put an end” to unconstitutional gun rules.

After the Superior Court win, Hague told Spotlight Delaware, “We believe that all the laws that they passed back in 2022 are unconstitutional, and this just affirms our beliefs from three years ago.” He welcomed the result yet voiced frustration that the case had “been in limbo for a number of months,” landing just days before the 2025 hunting season opened.

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Across Delaware’s gun litigation, advocates lean on the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 decision in NYSRPA v. Bruen, which requires the government to show that a firearm rule fits “consistent with the Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.”

The DSSA’s attorneys argued “there is no historical tradition of banning arms in common use by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes,” noting that nearly every young adult in the Founding era was expected to own and carry firearms.

The DSSA treats HB 451 as one piece of a 2022 regulatory scheme, and it is simultaneously challenging Delaware’s semiautomatic weapons ban, large capacity magazine limits, and permit to purchase law. The Second Amendment Foundation and Firearms Policy Coalition have brought up related cases, with the SAF warning that Delaware’s laws have “literally criminalized ownership of these popular arms” and that “each day these laws remain in effect means one more day when Delaware citizens are deprived of their rights.”

Now the dispute reaches the state’s highest court. The record holds opening, answering, and reply briefs on both the appeal and cross appeal, plus an amicus brief from the Giffords Law Center backing the state. If the justices affirm, HB 451’s age limits stay struck down. If they reverse, the ban on purchases and possession by 18- to 20-year-olds returns.

Either way, the ruling will stand as a closely watched marker for how state constitutions shape gun rights for young adults.

Gun Owners Sound Alarm Over New Jersey Glock Subpoenas

Ninth Circuit Rules Suppressors Are Not Second Amendment Arms

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About José Niño

José Niño is a freelance writer based in Charlotte, North Carolina. You can contact him via Facebook and X/Twitter. Subscribe to his Substack newsletter by visiting “Jose Nino Unfiltered” on Substack.com.

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California Father Shoots, Kills Armed Intruder During Break-In

A San Jacinto homeowner shot and killed an armed intruder after hearing screams and gunfire coming from inside his home, according to authorities. IMG Duncan Johnson

A California father’s fight to protect his family is another reminder that when violence comes crashing through the door, the fastest response is a good guy with a gun.

According to the Riverside County Sheriff’s Office, deputies responded at 10:23 p.m. on Friday, June 5, 2026, to the 1300 block of Heron Way in San Jacinto after a report of an assault with a deadly weapon. What investigators found was the aftermath of a terrifying home invasion and a defensive shooting that may have saved innocent lives.

Investigators say the homeowner had been visiting a neighbor when he heard screaming and gunfire coming from his residence. He ran back home and found an unknown man inside, armed with a shotgun.

That is the moment every gun owner hopes never comes. But if it does, there is no time to wait for a police response, and in California, you had better hope you already passed the required background checks and waiting periods. The homeowner armed himself and confronted the intruder.

According to the sheriff’s office, the suspect fired multiple rounds at the homeowner during the confrontation. The homeowner returned fire, striking the suspect. No additional injuries were reported, and the homeowner was not injured.

KTLA reported that the homeowner was a father trying to save his teenage daughter after the intruder broke into the home.

The suspect was later identified as 45-year-old Ismael Martinez of San Jacinto. Investigators also learned that before the home invasion, Martinez had allegedly assaulted his 52-year-old girlfriend with a knife. She was found in a vehicle near the scene in the 1300 block of South Kirby Street and taken to a local hospital, where she was listed in stable condition.

Sheriff’s officials said there is no indication Martinez or his girlfriend had any connection to the home on Heron Way. Based on the information released so far, this was not a known dispute at that address. It was a violent, shotgun-armed stranger inside a home.

This is exactly why the Second Amendment matters. Anti-gun politicians talk about “common sense,” but there is nothing common sense about making good people helpless when evil walks through the door. California has spent decades punishing lawful gun owners with waiting periods, rosters, ammunition restrictions, carry barriers, and endless red tape. Criminals do not care.

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When seconds mattered in San Jacinto, the armed homeowner was the first responder.

The sheriff’s office said the homeowner was taken to the San Jacinto Sheriff’s Station for further investigation. No arrests have been made, and the case will be submitted to the Riverside County District Attorney’s Office for review. That is standard after a deadly defensive shooting, but it is still a reminder that surviving the attack is only the first fight.

The facts released so far tell a simple story. A homeowner heard screams and gunfire. He ran toward danger. He found a shotgun-armed intruder inside his home. The intruder fired at him. The homeowner fired back and stopped the threat.

Gun owners should take the lesson seriously. Violence can arrive without warning, even in your own home.

In San Jacinto, a firearm in the hands of a homeowner stopped a violent intruder. That is why we fight to protect the right to keep and bear arms.

California Homeowner Shoots Knife-Wielding Intruder, Later Identified as Wife’s Ex-Boyfriend

Florida Officials Agree to Judgment Against 3-Day Gun Waiting Period

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About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor to AmmoLand News and serves as part of the editorial team responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.

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When it Comes to School Safety, the Missouri Rangers Beat Fairy Godmothers Every Time

Missouri SB 905 would create trained Missouri Rangers to help protect schools, students, and staff across the state. iStock-2171689382

On May 28, Republican lawmakers sent Senate Bill 905 to Missouri Governor Mike Kehoe. This is a purely Republican bill: Not one Democrat in either chamber voted for the bill; not one Republican voted against it.

Introduced by David Gregory, a state senator from Chesterfield, SB905 would create a new category of school protection officer: The Missouri Ranger.

The Missouri Ranger bridges the gap between armed teachers/staff and school resource officers, who are sworn officers employed by a law enforcement agency and assigned to a school district or campus.

Missouri Rangers, who may be district employees or volunteers, must complete 160 hours of training. The curriculum will be set by the Missouri Peace Officer Standards and Training Commission (POST) and must include state and federal constitutional and statutory law; firearms training; close quarter combat; de-escalation; active shooter training; defensive tactics; and bomb and arson instruction.

Since it’s fairly common for school protection jobs to be filled by retired law enforcement officers or retired military, Ranger candidates must pass a physical fitness test prior to being admitted for the training program. For those 35 and younger, the test includes doing 40 pushups in less than one minute and running 1.5 miles in under 12 minutes and 30 seconds. The POST Commission will establish tests for candidates older than 35.

“You have to be in physical fitness superior to a Marine,” Gregory said. “Once you pass that fitness test, we then put the rangers through pretty serious training modeled after U.S. Air Marshals.”

After completion of the training, Rangers receive a certificate, a badge, and are vested with limited police powers, including arrest. Their authority is limited to school district property, including buses. They also get the same qualified immunity as regular law enforcement officers.

The school district makes the final decision whether a Ranger will be armed or unarmed, what weapon will be carried, and whether the weapon will be carried openly or concealed.

Of course, the Democrats were having none of this.

“The answer to guns in schools is not more guns in schools,” said state Rep. Elizabeth Fuchs. A St. Louis Democrat, Fuchs prefers mental health support for students.

This is profoundly stupid.

There is a world of difference between a gun in the hands of a school protective officer and a gun in the hands of a teenage gang member or drug dealer. This fact is often missed by those afflicted with acute hoplophobic myopia, such as Rep. Fuchs.

There’s an even bigger difference between the majority of school shooting incidents and mass shootings in schools. These last are the ones Democrats and gun-control freaks in general use to scare the public and traumatize our children.

According to the K-12 School Shooting Database*, there were 3,195 school shooting incidents nationwide from 1970 through 2025. In these incidents, there were 3,308 victims with fatal and non-fatal injuries. Nineteen incidents could be considered mass shootings with a total of 368 injuries and deaths.

The deaths would all be classified by the FBI as either NIBRS Code 09A (murder/non-negligent manslaughter) or 13A (aggravated assault). The CDC uses the International Classification of Diseases, Tenth Edition; (ICD-10) Classes X93, X94, and X95, assault with handgun, long gun, and other firearms, respectively.

These are all criminal offenses. Moreover, they are the only types of injury involved. This is the grand total of “gun violence.”

The K-12 SSD looked at 2,735 incidents and divided them into 17 ‘situations’ or root causes. Mass shootings made up slightly more than one-half percent of the situations while escalations of disputes, criminal activity, drive-by shootings, and vandalism accounted for more than 60% of the total.

Which is going to be more useful more of the time? An armed Missouri Ranger or “mental health support for students?”

Sounds like there is room for more guns — In the right hands.

Who has the right hands? As well-known author and Second Amendment champion Cam Edwards says, anyone “(I)n the right place; at the right time; willing and able to do the right thing.”

Compare this to Rep. Fuch’s strategy: Invoking fairy godmothers.

The mental health dodge is a favorite of gun control addicts, regardless of party. Whether it’s denying fundamental rights to young adults or relying on nonexistent mental health markers to quickly and conclusively identify a person’s potential for future violence, there’s gotta be someone singing “Bibbidi-Bobbidi-Boo” in the background as they turn pumpkins and mice into squash and roadkill or stigmatize people with legitimate mental health issues who live otherwise healthy, non-violent lives.

There are about 896,000 students enrolled in Missouri K-12 schools. Roughly 280,000 of them are enrolled in high school, which is where the majority of shooting incidents occur. Supplying the range of psychological/psychiatric services needed is going to be challenging from both personnel and budgetary viewpoints.

While we’re supposedly hoping to interdict wannabe mass shooters, the truth is that most injuries and deaths are the result of events that developed rapidly, sometimes within minutes. Disputes, gang and criminal activity, can quickly escalate. Drive-by shootings may or may not involve any planning. Mental health providers will have difficulty predicting and zero ability to stop mass shootings.

On top of everything else, Missouri is not socially homogeneous. The state includes St. Louis, which has one of the highest homicide rates of any city in the world. The murder rate in the Missouri part of Kansas City was more than twice as high as the Kansas side in 2025. On the other hand, Jefferson City, the state capital, had zero murders in 2024 and 2025.

If Missouri could exile St. Louis and Kansas City, the state’s murder rate would plunge by 53 percent.

So what’s the “mental health support” plan, assuming no assistance from the denizens of Fantasyland? Study it to death? Hum a few bars and fake it? Or do like they do with every gun control fail and ignore it?

I have seldom heard of it in the media or from the gun-grabbers, but the K-12 SSD includes 230 reports of school shootings that were averted.

The list even includes a 2023 intervention in Platte County, Missouri. An 18-year-old was planning to carry out a mass shooting with a higher body count than the 2007 slaughter at Virginia Tech, one of the worst mass shootings in U.S. history.

How was this potential tragedy averted? By members of the public providing tips to authorities, followed up by quick action. Based on reports of the incidents, this was the case in virtually every one of the successful interventions.

Proof of this comes from a high-profile failure: The shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in 2018.

The state commission formed to investigate the incident blamed the deaths and injuries on the shooter, but blamed the Broward County Public Schools, the Broward County Sheriff’s Office, and the FBI for allowing it to happen. The FBI received tips on two occasions but never even forwarded them to its Miami field office.

There’s nothing wrong with improving the quality and availability of mental health care in the United States. However, expecting it to prevent school shootings is unrealistic to the point of being delusional.

On the other hand, we know from experience that a good guy with a gun can end a mass shooting and the quicker the response, the better the outcome.

In addition, the opportunity for smaller school districts to have an armed, well-trained, and licensed law enforcement officer on a volunteer basis could provide an unmatchable measure of security for students, teachers and staff and assurance for parents and family members.

In Texas, we’ve had our School Marshal program since 2013. No problems, so far, but we still rely heavily on retired law enforcement officers. The Missouri Ranger program places an emphasis on attracting younger candidates with a higher level of physical fitness. This means they will likely be able to respond more quickly to threats.

Missouri citizens should urge Governor Kehoe to sign SB 905 without waiting until mid-July.

*Raw statistics sourced from the K-12 School Shooting Database copyright © 2025 David Reidman. Other statistics from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the U.S. Census Bureau, the FBI, Missouri State Highway Patrol, The St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department, Kansas City (KS) Police Department, Kansas City (MO) Police Department. Analysis by the Second Amendment Society of Texas exclusively for AmmoLand.

Philadelphia Police Under DOJ Investigation Over Carry Permit Revocations

New Jersey Glock Subpoenas Are Part of Nationwide Push Against America’s Most Popular Pistol

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About Bill Cawthon

Bill Cawthon first became a gun owner 55 years ago. He has been an active advocate for Americans’ civil liberties for more than a decade. He is the information director for the Second Amendment Society of Texas.

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Virginia Judge Stays Crump v. Katz Hearing as July 1 Gun Ban Deadline Looms

A Virginia judge stayed proceedings in Crump v. Katz as the July 1 effective date for SB749 approaches. IMG Duncan Johnson

Virginia gun owners were supposed to get their day in court before Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s sweeping gun and magazine ban takes effect on July 1. Instead, the emergency hearing in Crump v. Katz has been pulled from the docket, and the case has been stayed while a three-judge panel decides whether several challenges to SB749 should be consolidated or transferred.

For Virginians facing a fast-approaching criminal ban on commonly owned firearms and magazines, the effect could leave gun owners in legal danger while the courts work their way toward a decision.

Crump v. Katz was filed in Lancaster County Circuit Court by AmmoLand contributor John Crump, Gun Owners of America, Gun Owners Foundation, Virginia Citizens Defense League, and Virginia Citizens Defense Foundation. The lawsuit challenges Virginia’s new SB749/HB217 restrictions, which ban the future acquisition, sale, manufacture, importation, purchase, and transfer of firearms the state labels “assault firearms,” along with magazines holding more than 15 rounds.

The plaintiffs filed their complaint on May 15, one day after the law was enacted, and followed it on May 18 with a motion for a temporary restraining order and preliminary injunction. The point was simple: get the issue in front of a judge before the July 1 effective date, not after law-abiding Virginians, gun shops, and manufacturers are already forced to live under an unconstitutional scheme.

The hearing on that emergency motion had been scheduled for Friday, June 12th. According to the plaintiffs’ emergency motion to reinstate the hearing, the date was set by agreement of the parties and the court so the judge could make a decision before the law took effect. Then the hearing disappeared.

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On June 9, Lancaster County Circuit Judge John S. Martin entered an order staying further proceedings in the case. The order states the Supreme Court of Virginia appointed a panel of three circuit court judges to determine whether Crump v. Katz should be consolidated with similar cases pending in Washington County, Spotsylvania County, and Fauquier County, and whether the case should be transferred to another jurisdiction for trial.

The court’s order states that “further proceedings in this case are stayed pending the decision” of that panel.

The Virginia Supreme Court order attached to Judge Martin’s stay order names four cases: Santolla v Katz in Washington County, Crump v Katz in Lancaster County, Curtis v Katz in Spotsylvania County, and Black v Hook in Fauquier County. The panel was appointed under Virginia’s Multiple Claimant Litigation Act to deal with possible joining, coordination, consolidation, or transfer of the related lawsuits.

SB749 is set to take effect July 1. The plaintiffs have asked for emergency relief because the law would immediately affect the ability of Virginians to acquire and carry a wide range of commonly owned firearms and accessories.

GOA and our allies have filed an Emergency Motion to Reinstate Hearing outlining why the Lancaster Circuit Court should put the hearing back on.

Stay tuned for updates! We will not stop fighting. https://t.co/ENSFUUUIZ0

— Gun Owners of America (@GunOwners) June 10, 2026

The state is targeting the kinds of rifles, pistols, shotguns, and magazines ordinary Americans own by the millions for lawful purposes, including self-defense, training, competition, and recreation.

The plaintiffs are now asking Judge Martin to vacate the June 9 stay order and reinstate the June 12 hearing. Their argument is that nothing in the Multiple Claimant Litigation Act requires or authorizes a full stay of the injunction proceedings merely because a consolidation or transfer request is pending.

Their emergency motion warns that the three-judge panel has not yet issued a briefing schedule, hearing schedule, or any indication of how quickly it will move. If that process takes weeks or months, the law could take effect before the court ever reaches the emergency injunction question. That would leave gun owners suffering the very constitutional harm the temporary injunction motion was designed to prevent.

This is the problem with procedural delays in Second Amendment cases. The government passes the ban. Gun owners sue. The calendar becomes a weapon. Every day of delay helps the state and hurts the citizen.

Virginia should not be allowed to run out the clock on constitutional rights.

AmmoLand has been following this fight from the beginning. We previously reported when GOA, VCDL, and John Crump filed their state-court challenge in Crump v. Katz. We also covered the plaintiffs’ emergency injunction request, Virginia’s troubling argument that the state constitution does not protect an individual right to keep and bear arms, and the separate NSSF-backed Black v. Hook lawsuit challenging the same SB749 gun ban.

Together, these cases show how much legal resistance Spanberger’s gun-control push has created. Federal lawsuits. State lawsuits. Industry-backed challenges. Grassroots gun-rights groups. Individual gun owners. Gun shops. Manufacturers. Magazine makers. Even multiple Virginia Commonwealth’s Attorneys have said they will not enforce the ban on constitutional grounds. That should tell Richmond something.

SB749 is a ban on common arms. The state can dress it up with scary labels, feature tests, and political talking points, but the substance is clear. Virginia Democrats are trying to make it a crime for peaceable citizens to acquire arms and magazines that are standard across America.

The stay in Crump v. Katz does not validate SB749. It stops the Lancaster County case from moving forward while the consolidation panel decides what to do.

For Virginia gun owners, that is the danger. Rights can be lost in the gap between “we will hear you later” and “the law takes effect now.”

The court should reinstate the hearing and let the injunction motion be heard before July 1. If Virginia wants to defend its gun ban, it should have to do so in court before the ban starts turning ordinary conduct into a criminal offense.

The Second Amendment is not supposed to wait in line behind scheduling games. Neither is Article I, Section 13 of the Virginia Constitution.

Spanberger Signs SB 749; SAF, NRA, FPC Immediately File Federal Lawsuit

Virginia Claims State Constitution Does Not Protect Individual Gun Rights in Crump v. Katz

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About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor to AmmoLand News and serves as part of the editorial team responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.

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Wolford and Hemani: Supreme Court Decisions in Second Amendment Cases Expected Soon

The Supreme Court is expected to issue decisions soon in Wolford v. Lopez and United States v. Hemani, two Second Amendment cases that could shape how Bruen and Rahimi are applied. Image generated with AI by AmmoLand editors.

Two Second Amendment cases have been heard by the Supreme Court this term. The Supreme Court’s opinions in those two cases are expected to be announced before the end of June 2026.

The two cases are the Wolford case, out of Hawaii in the Ninth Circuit, and the Hemani case out of Texas in the Fifth Circuit.

Wolford is essentially a question of whether a state can define “sensitive” locations so broadly as to prevent people from being armed in most public places.  Specifically, Wolford asks whether Hawaii has the authority to require property owners to actively choose to allow private carry on their property, or whether the State will ban private carry on their property.

The Hemani case is a fairly straightforward question: Can the government strip people of their Second Amendment rights if they are users of a substance (marijuana) which the government has deemed to be illegal, even if they are not carrying arms while impaired?

Both cases have the potential to further clarify the standard set in the Bruen decision for how courts are to decide Second Amendment issues. The Bruen decision was straightforward. If the case involved an infringement of Second Amendment rights, as provided by the text of the Second Amendment, the burden of showing that such limitations were necessary was on the government. The government had to show that there was a longstanding tradition of such limitations dating back to the time of the ratification of the Bill of Rights.

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If the government could show a longstanding tradition, then it was shown that such a limitation was considered understood as part of the right to keep and bear arms at the time of the ratification of the Bill of Rights.

In the Rahimi decision, the Supreme Court appeared to ease the restrictions somewhat. The decision allowed laws from the time of the ratification, which had a loose connection to the statute in question, to meet the Bruen test if the essential intent was the same. Both Wolford and Hemani present cases to the Supreme Court that could be used to narrow or broaden how lower courts interpret Bruen as seen through the lens of Rahimi.

The Supreme Court hears about 70 cases each year. Thousands of cases apply to be heard by the Court. In addition to the 70 or so cases heard on the merits, the Supreme Court has been burdened by numerous lawsuits against the Trump administration. These cases have taken up much of the Court’s time as they react to frivolous challenges to Trump’s administrative decisions. The Supreme Court has issued at least 35 emergency orders related to Trump’s administrative actions.  The more “emergency” actions, the less time to spend on cases on the merits. The vast majority of these cases have been decided in favor of the Trump administration.

Both the Wolford and Hemani decisions are expected to be released by the end of June 2026.

Both cases could shape how lower courts apply Bruen after Rahimi: Wolford on public carry and private-property default bans, and Hemani on whether the government may disarm people based on unlawful drug use without proof they were armed while impaired.

Reminder: the Supreme Court has indicated that it may announce opinions on Thursday. We will be live blogging beginning at 9:30 a.m. EDT tomorrow. https://t.co/KZk3tV9Unx

— SCOTUSblog (@SCOTUSblog) June 10, 2026

Bruen’s Text-and-History Test Spreads Beyond the Second Amendment

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About Dean Weingarten:

Dean Weingarten has been a peace officer, a military officer, was on the University of Wisconsin Pistol Team for four years, and was first certified to teach firearms safety in 1973. He taught the Arizona concealed carry course for fifteen years until the goal of Constitutional Carry was attained. He has degrees in meteorology and mining engineering, and retired from the Department of Defense after a 30 year career in Army Research, Development, Testing, and Evaluation.

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