Monday, November 9, 2026

New Research Finds Armed Citizens Stop 37% of Active Shooter Attacks

CPRC research examines armed citizens stopping active shooter attacks and FBI reporting.
New Crime Prevention Research Center research identifies 225 active-shooter incidents stopped by armed citizens between 2014 and 2025. AI-generated illustration created with OpenAI’s ChatGPT for AmmoLand News.

For years, Americans have been told that armed citizens rarely stop active shooters. The FBI’s own statistics have helped reinforce that narrative, with federal reports crediting armed civilians with stopping fewer than 4% of active-shooter incidents. But research from the Crime Prevention Research Center (CPRC) paints a dramatically different picture.

According to the CPRC’s latest research, armed citizens stopped 36.6% of identified active-shooter incidents between 2014 and 2025, nearly ten times the percentage reflected in FBI reporting. The discrepancy raises serious questions about the federal government’s accounting of defensive gun use and the media’s reliance on those statistics.

In an October 23 article published by National Review, CPRC President Dr. John Lott challenged the FBI’s numbers and the resulting portrayal of armed civilian intervention as an exceptionally rare occurrence.

FBI Statistics Tell a Very Different Story

Between 2014 and 2025, the FBI identified 408 active-shooter incidents nationwide. Of those, the bureau credited armed citizens with stopping just 16 attacks, representing 3.9% of the total.

The CPRC conducted its own examination of incidents during the same period, identifying 615 active-shooter attacks, 225 of which were stopped by armed civilians. That produces a rate of 36.6%. During the most recent five years, the CPRC found that the percentage increased to 42.5%.

The organization also identified another 35 incidents in which armed citizens stopped attackers before they fired a shot. Those encounters were excluded from the calculations because the attacks never progressed to an actual shooting.

These aren’t simply competing interpretations of the same 408 incidents. The CPRC identified hundreds of additional cases that it argues satisfy the FBI’s definition of an active shooting, along with incidents the bureau allegedly misclassified.

The distinction matters because an active-shooter incident does not necessarily involve multiple fatalities. Under the FBI’s definition, an individual attempting to kill someone in a populated area can qualify, even if no one is struck by gunfire. The CPRC says it applied that same definition when compiling its research.

Armed Citizens Overlooked or Misclassified

The CPRC attributes the discrepancy primarily to two problems: incidents missing entirely from federal reports and cases in which armed civilians were incorrectly classified.

One example is the December 29, 2019, attack at the West Freeway Church of Christ in White Settlement, Texas. When a gunman opened fire during a church service, armed congregant Jack Wilson fatally shot the attacker, ending the assault.

Rather than classifying the intervention as an armed civilian stopping an attack, the FBI identified Wilson as security personnel. According to the CPRC, Wilson was a volunteer church member, not a professional security guard.

A similar dispute surrounds the June 22, 2025, attack at CrossPointe Community Church in Wayne, Michigan, where armed volunteer church members confronted an attacker. The FBI again classified the intervention as involving security personnel rather than ordinary armed civilians.

The CPRC also identified incidents in which armed citizens confronted attackers and caused them to flee, only for the FBI to attribute the ultimate resolution to law enforcement because officers later apprehended the suspects.

These distinctions may sound technical, but they have real consequences. When an armed citizen stops an attack and the intervention is not counted, the resulting statistics fail to capture that defensive use of a firearm.

The FBI has acknowledged limitations in its reporting. When journalist John Stossel questioned the bureau about missing incidents in 2024, it explained that its data were intended to provide a baseline understanding rather than an exhaustive list of every active-shooter incident.

Lott argues that the problem extends beyond ordinary data-collection limitations, particularly because previously identified omissions have remained uncorrected.

Gun-Free Zones Change the Numbers Even More

Perhaps the most significant finding concerns locations where law-abiding Americans are legally permitted to carry firearms.

According to the CPRC, armed civilians stopped 52.9% of identified active-shooter incidents between 2014 and 2025 when the analysis was limited to places where citizens could legally carry guns.

During the most recent five-year period, that figure increased to 56.3%.

The distinction is critical. A law-abiding gun owner cannot be expected to intervene with a firearm in a location where carrying one is prohibited. Including those locations without accounting for the restrictions can obscure how frequently armed civilians intervene when they have the opportunity.

The CPRC’s findings do not establish that every gun-free zone would have experienced a different outcome had lawful carry been permitted. They do, however, demonstrate why carry restrictions matter when examining armed civilian intervention.

For Americans who take responsibility for their own safety, the practical issue is straightforward: A firearm carried lawfully for self-defense can also provide the means to stop an attacker before additional innocent lives are lost.

The Greenwood Mall Attack Wasn’t an Isolated Example

The July 17, 2022, attack at Greenwood Park Mall in Indiana remains one of the most recognizable examples of an armed citizen stopping a mass shooting.

When a gunman opened fire inside the mall, killing three people, 22-year-old Elisjsha Dicken responded with his legally carried handgun. According to the CPRC, Dicken fired his first shot just 15 seconds after the attack began, engaging the attacker from approximately 40 yards.

Dicken’s actions received national attention, but much of the reporting characterized his intervention as an unusual exception.

The CPRC argues that cases like Greenwood are far less exceptional than FBI statistics suggest. Its research includes a publicly available list of incidents with links to underlying news reports, allowing readers to examine the cases themselves.

That documentation is important. The FBI and CPRC use different incident lists, and determining which cases qualify involves classification decisions. But those differences should be examined rather than ignored while one set of statistics is treated as definitive.

Americans Deserve Accurate Defensive Gun Use Statistics

The debate over armed citizens stopping mass shootings is about more than numbers. It concerns whether Americans are receiving an accurate picture of how firearms are used to protect innocent lives.

For years, reports describing armed civilian intervention as rare have relied on federal statistics that the CPRC says exclude numerous documented incidents. The organization has now identified 225 active-shooter attacks stopped by armed citizens between 2014 and 2025, compared with the 16 credited in FBI reporting.

That is a substantial discrepancy deserving public scrutiny, particularly when federal crime data influence discussions surrounding concealed carry, gun-free zones, and the Second Amendment.

Americans have a constitutional right to keep and bear arms. That right does not depend on demonstrating that armed citizens stop a particular percentage of attacks. But when the effectiveness of armed self-defense becomes part of the public debate, the evidence needs to be accurately represented.

The CPRC’s findings offer a powerful reminder that the actions of armed citizens cannot be measured solely by the incidents federal reports choose to count.

Related: Armed Citizen Fights Back in Deadly Baltimore Attack as Maryland Gun Laws Fail Again


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson




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Friday, November 6, 2026

Klobuchar Pushes Minnesota AR-15 Ban as Supreme Court Prepares to Rule on Gun Rights

AR-15 rifle representing Supreme Court challenges to Cook County and Connecticut semiautomatic rifle bans
Minnesota Governor-elect Amy Klobuchar has pledged to revive gun-control legislation as the Supreme Court prepares to hear challenges to bans on commonly owned semiautomatic rifles. iStock-2281848109

Minnesota Governor-elect Amy Klobuchar is wasting no time pushing for new restrictions on law-abiding gun owners, even as the U.S. Supreme Court prepares to decide whether bans on commonly owned semiautomatic rifles violate the Second Amendment.

Just one day after winning the November 3 election, Klobuchar told reporters that legislation targeting firearms and magazines would be a top priority for her incoming administration.

“The gun safety bill is going to get passed,” Klobuchar declared during her November 4 press conference.

The timing is particularly significant. On December 2, the Supreme Court will hear oral arguments in Viramontes v. Cook County and Grant v. Higgins, consolidated cases addressing whether the Second and Fourteenth Amendments protect possession of AR-15s and similar semiautomatic rifles.

Rather than waiting for clarity from the Supreme Court, Klobuchar is pressing ahead with legislation that could place Minnesota on a collision course with the Court’s eventual decision.

Minnesota Democrats Revive Failed Gun Ban

The legislation Klobuchar wants to resurrect closely follows Senate File 4067, which passed the Minnesota Senate by a narrow 34-33 vote in May but never reached a House floor vote.

The proposal would have prohibited licensed firearms dealers from selling firearms classified as “semiautomatic military-style assault weapons” and ammunition magazines holding more than 17 rounds. Existing owners would have been required to obtain state certification for covered firearms and magazines, renewing that certification every three years.

Violations could result in criminal penalties.

With Democrats now controlling the Minnesota governorship and both legislative chambers, the political roadblock that stopped the legislation in 2026 has been removed.

However, controlling the legislature does not give lawmakers unlimited authority over rights protected by the Constitution.

Supreme Court Showdown Looms Over AR-15 Bans

The timing of Klobuchar’s announcement is difficult to ignore.

The Supreme Court has agreed to consider whether the Second Amendment protects AR-15-platform rifles and similar semiautomatic firearms commonly possessed by Americans for lawful purposes.

In District of Columbia v. Heller, the Court recognized that the Second Amendment protects weapons in common lawful use. In New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, the justices reaffirmed that governments must justify firearm restrictions through the nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.

The upcoming Viramontes and Grant decisions could have major consequences for states attempting to outlaw commonly owned semiautomatic rifles.

Klobuchar has not explicitly stated that she would defy an adverse Supreme Court ruling. Nevertheless, her commitment to pursuing another rifle ban before the Court decides the issue places Minnesota’s legislative agenda directly against a constitutional question awaiting resolution.

NRA Warns Klobuchar of Legal Fight

The National Rifle Association has already promised to challenge Klobuchar’s gun-control agenda. John Commerford, Executive Director of the National Rifle Association’s Institute for Legislative Action (NRA-ILA) reacted to Klobuchar’s promise with the following statement.

“Governor-elect Klobuchar’s promise to ram through gun control in Minnesota is a direct assault on the constitutional rights of law-abiding Minnesotans. The NRA and law-abiding gun owners will fight this every step of the way in St. Paul, and if Klobuchar gets her way, we will see her in court. We will not back down, and we will not allow the Second Amendment to be dismantled in the North Star State. Minnesota gun owners can count on us to stand shoulder to shoulder with them to defend their freedom.”

For gun owners, the stakes go well beyond one governor or one state. A Supreme Court ruling recognizing constitutional protection for commonly owned semiautomatic rifles could undermine similar bans across the country.

The question for Minnesota Democrats is whether their legislative ambitions will survive that constitutional scrutiny.

Klobuchar may have won an election and gained legislative allies, but the authority of state government remains limited by the Constitution. The Supreme Court’s forthcoming decision could determine just how far Minnesota can go in restricting the firearms its citizens have a right to keep and bear.

Related: Gun Sales Surge Ahead of Midterms, With More Demand Expected Under Democrat-Controlled Congress


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson




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Florida AG Declares Short-Barreled Rifles and Shotguns Legal Without NFA Registration or Tax Stamps

Noveske Space Invader SBR. IMG Tim Potter
Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier says law-abiding residents may possess SBRs and SBSs without NFA registration or tax stamps. IMG Tim Potter

Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier has officially confirmed that law-abiding Floridians can possess short-barreled rifles (SBRs) and short-barreled shotguns (SBSs) without National Firearms Act (NFA) registration, ATF approval, or federal tax stamps. The November 6, 2026, memorandum goes further than simply recognizing changes in federal enforcement. It directs law enforcement agencies and prosecutors throughout Florida to stop treating possession of these firearms without NFA paperwork as a crime.

In the five-page memorandum, addressed to Florida’s law enforcement agencies and prosecuting authorities, Uthmeier declared:

“I am issuing this memorandum to inform law enforcement and prosecuting authorities that all law-abiding residents of the State of Florida may now possess a short-barreled rifle (‘SBR’) or short-barreled shotgun (‘SBS’) without fear of prosecution.”

The announcement resolves a significant state-law question left after the federal government’s decision to stop enforcing major provisions of the NFA.

Florida Removes the State-Law Obstacle

Under Florida Statute § 790.221, possessing an operable short-barreled rifle, short-barreled shotgun, or machine gun is generally a second-degree felony. However, the statute contains an exemption for firearms lawfully owned and possessed under federal law.

That exemption became particularly important after Congress reduced to zero the NFA’s making and transfer taxes on SBRs, SBSs, suppressors, and certain other firearms through the One Big Beautiful Bill Act.

On August 5, 2026, a federal judge in Silencer Shop Foundation v. ATF ruled that the federal government’s registration and prior-approval requirements could no longer be justified under Congress’s taxing power after those taxes were reduced to zero.

The Justice Department declined to appeal, and on October 9, ATF announced that it would stop enforcing those requirements nationwide for the affected firearms.

Uthmeier’s memorandum concludes that because SBRs and SBSs may now be lawfully possessed under the federal government’s current interpretation and enforcement policy, Florida’s existing statutory exemption applies.

He also argues that treating Florida’s prohibition as an independent ban on these firearms would implicate the Second Amendment and likely fail the constitutional test established in N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen.

No NFA Paperwork, No Grounds for Search or Seizure

The most consequential portion of Uthmeier’s memorandum establishes specific statewide enforcement guidance.

Effective immediately, the attorney general instructs Florida law enforcement that mere possession of an SBR or SBS does not establish reasonable suspicion or probable cause for a search or seizure. Likewise, discovering one during an otherwise lawful encounter does not, by itself, justify seizing the firearm as evidence.

Uthmeier also makes clear that his office will not defend a conviction under § 790.221 on appeal when the sole basis for that conviction is the owner’s lack of NFA approval, registration, or a federal tax stamp.

The memorandum further explains that Florida’s firearms preemption statute, § 790.33, prevents local governments from imposing additional restrictions on SBR or SBS possession.

These directives give gun owners something the federal announcement alone could not provide: a statewide interpretation of Florida law from the state’s chief legal officer.

What Florida Gun Owners Still Need to Know

The announcement does not eliminate other federal firearms laws. Licensed dealers must continue complying with applicable Gun Control Act requirements, including background checks and firearm transfer records. Federal restrictions on prohibited possessors and possession in restricted locations also remain applicable.

Interstate transportation of SBRs and SBSs still requires prior ATF authorization on Form 20 where federal law mandates it. Machine guns and destructive devices remain subject to applicable NFA requirements.

Uthmeier also notes that voluntary NFA registration does not guarantee future registration or grandfathering protections if federal policy changes.

The memorandum does not repeal Florida’s existing statute or constitute a new court ruling. Instead, it establishes the attorney general’s interpretation of that statute and directs statewide enforcement accordingly.

For Florida gun owners, the practical result is substantial. The state’s chief legal officer has confirmed that law-abiding residents may possess SBRs and SBSs without the federal paperwork that previously accompanied their ownership.

Florida’s law enforcement agencies have now been told to recognize that right rather than treat the absence of an NFA tax stamp as evidence of a crime.

Related: Gun Sales Could Surge After Democrats Win Congress in 2026 Midterms


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson




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Thursday, November 5, 2026

Should Alito and Thomas Resign? Midterm Results Put Future Supreme Court Second Amendment Rulings at Risk

“Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. has told people close to him that he does not intend to retire immediately from the Supreme Court, despite Democrats’ commanding win in Senate contests on Tuesday, which means Republicans will hold the chamber for only a short time longer,” The New York Times reports. “As a result, Republicans may have missed the window for President Trump to name a fourth or even a fifth justice to the Supreme Court in the final two years of his presidency.”

Also not ready to retire, per the report, is Clarence Thomas.

That puts a quick end to a speculative recommendation made Wednesday by attorney and Four Boxes Diner host Mark Smith, who made a compelling case that, due to their ages, Alito, 76, and Thomas, 78, “should consider making this personal sacrifice for the good of the country” and resign immediately contingent on suitable replacements being confirmed.

Smith’s reasoning is that once Democrats take control of the Senate on January 3, 2027, there is no way another Trump nominee would be confirmed if a court vacancy arose, and if Democrats go on to hold the legislature and win the White House in 2028, future vacancies will be filled by confirmed anti-gunners.

Were that the case, look for Second Amendment “wins” to be reversed and new bans upheld as Constitutional.

If Alito and Thomas would agree to fall on their swords for the good of the Republic, the confirmation process would need to be accelerated—something Smith acknowledges has been done before, noting Amy Coney Barrett’s 2020 nomination and confirmation happened in less than a month.

If such a scenario were to play out, the question of “Who?’ would become paramount. Arguably foremost among potential candidates would be Lawrence Van Dyke of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, whom Bloomberg Law acknowledges as “the court’s most vocal defender of gun rights,” and who called for the Supreme Court to administer some “benchslaps” against the inferior court’s “wayward Second Amendment decisions.” There’s also U.S. Appeals Court Judge Thomas M. Hardiman, whom The Washington Post tells its readers is “seen as ‘Second Amendment extremist,” and Judge Raymond Kethledge, whom National Review credits as a justice who “vigorously defends — and exercises — individual rights under the Second Amendment.”

What would complicate such a scenario are potential Republican turncoats.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski (once more!) betraying the Republican party by endorsing a Democrat in Alaska’s gubernatorial race comes to mind. And per The New York Times report:

“A nominee would have faced the newfound independence of departing Republican senators such as John Cornyn of Texas and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, who were defeated in primaries by Trump-backed challengers, in addition to Susan Collins of Maine, a moderate who lost on Tuesday. The group may have had little appetite to help Mr. Trump ram through a nominee of his choice.”

The bottom line: Thomas and Alito have been blessings for gun owners but Smith is right. Once vengeance-minded Democrats assume power, expect any move by an increasingly harassed President Trump to be blocked, and don’t be surprised to see serious moves to “expand” and “pack” the High Court.

As always, our freedom is not ultimately in the hands of any politician or of any judge. The saving grace in all this is that the Second Amendment is still working. As long as we refuse to give up our guns “they” don’t have the power to take them.

Related: Republicans Lost Congress. What Does the 2026 Election Mean for America’s Gun Owners?


About David Codrea:

David Codrea is the winner of multiple journalist awards for investigating/defending the RKBA and a long-time gun owner rights advocate who defiantly challenges the folly of citizen disarmament. He blogs at “The War on Guns: Notes from the Resistance,” is a regularly featured contributor to Firearms News, and posts on Twitter: @dcodrea and Facebook.

David Codrea




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DOJ Gun Rights Restoration Portal Hits 5,000-Applicant Limit on First Day

Handgun beside a constitutional parchment, fingerprint application, and broken chain outside a federal courthouse, symbolizing the restoration of firearm rights.
The Justice Department’s Federal Firearm Rights Restoration program reached its initial 5,000-applicant limit on November 4, 2026. The next intake is scheduled for January 4, 2027. AI-generated illustration by AmmoLand News.

The Justice Department (DOJ) opened its Federal Firearm Rights Restoration application to the public on November 4, 2026, and by the end of that day the portal was full. According to DOJ’s application page, the Department has reached its limit of 5,000 new applicants and cannot accept any new starts. The site will reopen in January 2027. People who already began an application can still log in, finish, and submit; anyone who didn’t start before the cap hit will have to wait for the next window.

That first public opening is the start of a program that’s been effectively dead for more than 30 years. Congress left 18 U.S.C. § 925(c) on the books, but appropriations riders dating to the early 1990s starved the old ATF process until it stopped. The Attorney General’s authority never went away; the funding did. On August 17, 2026, DOJ announced a final rule putting the process back online through the Office of the Pardon Attorney rather than Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives(ATF).

Section 922(g) is the federal prohibited-person list covering felons, fugitives, unlawful drug users, certain mental health findings, certain aliens, dishonorable discharges, citizenship renunciants, and qualifying domestic violence orders or misdemeanors. Section 925(c) is the relief valve. It lets the Attorney General restore federal firearm rights if the applicant is not likely to endanger public safety and if granting relief is consistent with the public interest.

That standard is discretionary. A grant isn’t automatic just because someone finished a sentence. DOJ’s rule also sets out presumptive disqualifiers, some permanent and some that run for five or ten years after a sentence is complete. Extraordinary circumstances can overcome a presumption in some cases.

One important limit, according to DOJ: federal relief doesn’t wipe out a separate state or tribal firearm ban. If a state still bars someone, that person may need a state process too.

DOJ chose a phased launch on purpose. The Department’s FAQ says a working restoration program hasn’t been in place for over 30 years, and DOJ wants to test the platform and its procedures before opening the floodgates. September 25, 2026, was invite-only. November 4 opened the first public slot for 5,000 applicants, first come, first served. That slot is now closed to new starts. On January 4, 2027, DOJ plans to take 500 more applicants and start collecting the $30 fee, specifically to test the payment portal. After that, the Department says it will open access more broadly once it trusts the process.

For people who missed the November rush, the next hard date is January 4, 2027, and even then the window is only 500 deep.

There’s no paper form. Applications are online only, OMB Form 1123-0017, through justice.gov/ffrr. According to DOJ, applicants should collect documents first. Once the electronic application is started, there’s a 30-day clock to finish and submit. Miss that window and the application has to be started over. If an applicant loses the link and PIN, the Office of the Pardon Attorney says it cannot recover them, and the person may have to begin again.

Fingerprints come after the first part of the e-application, not before. DOJ emails a QR code, and electronic fingerprints are then taken at a participating U.S. Post Office. Showing up at a post office before that QR code arrives doesn’t help, the Department said.

Applicants also need three character references. The references can’t be related by blood or marriage, must have known the applicant for at least three years, and can’t themselves be prohibited under § 922(g). After the application is submitted, those references get a link and PIN and affirm a checklist under penalty of perjury. DOJ’s FAQ advises confirming they’ll fill it out before naming them. If one declines, the applicant can swap them on the status page, but DOJ won’t email when a reference fails to respond.

The $30 fee begins with the January 2027 stage. Fingerprints and record pulls can cost more on top of that. Fee waivers for indigency are supposed to be available; DOJ says more waiver details are coming.

Mental health cases under § 922(g)(4) have an extra gate. If a state or territory runs a relief-from-disabilities program that meets the NICS Improvement Amendments Act standard, applicants generally have to exhaust that first. If the jurisdiction offers no relief at all, they can go federal without the state stop. DOJ’s current no-relief list is Arkansas, Montana, New Hampshire, Wyoming, American Samoa, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the Northern Mariana Islands. That list can change.

A grant means the Attorney General or a designee decided restoration isn’t likely to endanger the public and is consistent with the public interest. DOJ publishes the names of people granted relief in the Federal Register, as § 925(c) requires. The Office of the Pardon Attorney keeps those records and shares them with NICS. Granted applicants may also get an RPIN to use when buying a firearm. PARDON still won’t call a gun dealer or override a NICS decision.

A denial can be challenged in the U.S. district court where the applicant lives. Waiting periods before reapplying depend on why the person was denied, and some presumptions are permanent while others are timed.

For three decades, prohibited people who’d rebuilt their lives had almost no federal path back, and state restorations often didn’t clear a federal disability. The November 4 open-and-close showed both that demand is real and that DOJ is still metering access in the hundreds and thousands, not the tens of thousands. That metering will frustrate people who waited years for this window, and it also means the January 4, 2027, reopen is likely to fill fast. Anyone serious about applying should have court records, criminal history reports, proof that every sentence term is finished, and three willing references lined up before hitting start. Thirty days isn’t a lot of time to chase paperwork that should’ve been gathered first.

For now the portal is closed to new applicants. According to DOJ’s application page, it reopens in January 2027, with the next intake of 500 set for January 4.

Related: Harmeet Dhillon Resigns From DOJ, Leaving Future of Second Amendment Section Uncertain


About John Crump

Mr. Crump is an NRA instructor and constitutional activist with more than 26 years of experience in networking and cybersecurity for major Fortune 100 companies. John has written about firearms, the Constitution, and cybersecurity, and has interviewed people from all walks of life. John lives in Northern Virginia with his wife and sons. Follow him on X at @right2bear, or at www.crumpy.com.Investigative journalist John Crump



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Harmeet Dhillon Resigns From DOJ, Leaving Future of Second Amendment Section Uncertain

The statue of justice Themis or Justitia, the blindfolded goddess of justice against a flag of the United States of America, as a legal concept stock photo
Harmeet Dhillon resigned from the Justice Department on November 5, 2026, after leading the creation of its first dedicated Second Amendment Section. iStock-1301132156

Harmeet Dhillon has resigned as head of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division, Fox News reported Thursday, citing sources. Bloomberg Law had reported she planned to leave after the midterms. No successor has been named.

Dhillon told Fox News Digital she made the decision weeks before Republicans lost the House and Senate. She told White House chief of staff Susie Wiles three weeks before Election Day that she had “accomplished everything” she came to do and wanted to return to private practice. Wiles asked her to wait until after the midterms. Dhillon formally submitted her resignation on November 5.

“I wasn’t asked to resign,” Dhillon said. “I resigned three weeks ago, and Susie asked me to please wait until after the midterms.”

Trump nominated her in December 2024. She was sworn in as assistant attorney general for civil rights in April 2025 after Senate confirmation. Her roughly 19-month tenure remade a division that had treated the Second Amendment like it didn’t exist.

The First Affirmative Gun Rights Lawsuit

The signature move for gun owners came on September 30, 2025. Dhillon’s Civil Rights Division sued the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department and Sheriff Robert Luna over concealed-carry permit delays, the first affirmative lawsuit DOJ had ever filed on behalf of gun owners.

The numbers in the complaint were ugly. Between January 2024 and March 2025, LASD took in 3,982 new carry-license applications. As of May 2025, it had approved two. The average wait to begin processing was 281 days, more than nine months. The median was 372 days. Some applicants waited as long as 1,030 days, nearly three years, for an interview. California law requires an initial determination within 90 days. LASD blew past that deadline.

“The Second Amendment is not a second-class right,” Dhillon said when the suit was filed. “This lawsuit seeks to stop Los Angeles County’s egregious pattern and practice of delaying law-abiding citizens from exercising their right to bear arms.”

Attorney General Pam Bondi put it more bluntly: Los Angeles County may not like the right to bear arms, but the Constitution does not let them infringe on it. Second Amendment Foundation Executive Director Adam Kraut called it a landmark.  The first time the federal government had sued to defend gun owners instead of fighting them.

In August 2026, DOJ and LASD reached a settlement. LASD agreed to align its permitting process with *Bruen*, cut the backlog, and submit to four years of public reporting and federal-court enforcement. Dhillon called it a win for Los Angeles County residents and for the Second Amendment. The deal still needed a federal judge’s approval to take effect.

A Second Amendment Section That Never Existed Before

The LA County case was not a one-off. In late 2025, Dhillon stood up the Civil Rights Division’s first Second Amendment Rights Section. AmmoLand News reported the unit in November; Dhillon announced it on camera in December.

The section’s job was straightforward: treat the right to keep and bear arms like every other civil right the division already enforces, investigate state and local gun policies that conflict with Supreme Court precedent, file lawsuits, and drop amicus briefs.

Dhillon called that right fundamental and promised DOJ had “a lot of 2A work planned.”

That work showed up in court. Dhillon argued before the Seventh Circuit against Illinois’ Protect Illinois Communities Act, the state’s AR-15 and standard-capacity magazine ban, the first time DOJ had argued against a gun law in a federal appeals court. The division also filed amicus briefs in Barnett v. Raoul, arguing rifles in common use cannot be banned, and in Wolford v. Lopez, challenging Hawaii’s rule that effectively bans carry on private property without the owner’s express permission.

In May 2026, the Second Amendment Section sued the District of Columbia over its bans on AR-15-style rifles and suppressors, arguing Metropolitan Police enforcement is a pattern-or-practice civil rights violation under 34 U.S.C. § 12601. Barry. Arrington signed as acting chief of the section. Dhillon’s name was at the top.

Mixed Record, Real Results

None of this means Dhillon’s DOJ was a pure 2A shop. Gun rights groups spent much of the past two years furious at the department for defending the National Firearms Act (NFA), prying at FPC and SAF membership lists after those groups beat the post office gun ban, and sticking with pieces of the Biden-era “engaged in the business” rule.

Dhillon’s Civil Rights Division was the part of DOJ that actually sued for gun owners. The rest of the building often looked like the old building.

What changed under Dhillon was the baseline. For decades, Civil Rights ignored the Second Amendment. Under her watch, the division created a dedicated section, filed the first affirmative federal lawsuit for gun owners, argued against state assault-weapon bans, and sued a major city over rifle and suppressor bans. That is not nothing. It is also not permanent.

What Comes Next

Dhillon said she plans to return to private practice. Bloomberg Law reported that in an August roundtable, she said she would return to her California firm, Dhillon Law Group, which her brother, Mandeep Singh Dhillon, managed in her absence. Fox reported she moved to Washington after the deaths of her husband and father to “serve my country,” and that after about two years she decided it was time.

“We changed it, and that’s what we came here to do. And it’s done,” she said.

Fox reported roughly 300 attorneys left the division during Trump’s second term. Dhillon said she recruited more than 130 lawyers.

What happens to the Second Amendment Section without her is the open question. Sections don’t delete themselves overnight, but priorities do. The LA County settlement’s four-year reporting window only works if DOJ keeps enforcing it, and the D.C. rifle case only matters if someone finishes it.

Gun owners got something from Dhillon’s time at Justice that they never got from Civil Rights before: lawyers whose job was to sue the people who delay, deny, and ban. Whether that survives her resignation is the next story.

AmmoLand News will continue to follow the succession fight and the pending Second Amendment cases.

Related: The ATF Lawyer You’ve Never Heard Of: William J. Ryan’s Paper Trail on Braces, Forced Reset Triggers and Gun Trusts


About John Crump

Mr. Crump is an NRA instructor and constitutional activist with more than 26 years of experience in networking and cybersecurity for major Fortune 100 companies. John has written about firearms, the Constitution, and cybersecurity, and has interviewed people from all walks of life. John lives in Northern Virginia with his wife and sons. Follow him on X at @right2bear, or at www.crumpy.com.Investigative journalist John Crump



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Wednesday, November 4, 2026

Trump DOJ Admits Handgun Ban Is Unconstitutional, Still Fights Gun Owners in Court

Handgun on a gun-store counter beside a United States map with state lines, representing the Fifth Circuit decision striking down the federal interstate handgun purchase ban.
FPC is challenging the Trump DOJ’s effort to limit judicial relief after the Fifth Circuit ruled that the federal handgun purchase ban for adults ages 18 to 20 violates the Second Amendment. iStock-1220273996

The Trump administration has admitted that the federal government cannot constitutionally prohibit licensed firearm dealers from selling handguns to law-abiding adults ages 18 to 20. Yet the Department of Justice is still fighting in federal court to prevent gun-rights organizations from securing lasting judicial protection against the very same unconstitutional law.

On November 4, Firearms Policy Coalition (FPC) filed a reply brief with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit in FPC v. ATF, formerly Reese v. ATF. The filing challenges DOJ’s attempt to avoid further judicial relief nearly six years after FPC, the Second Amendment Foundation (SAF), and the Louisiana Shooting Association first challenged the federal handgun purchase restrictions.

The plaintiffs have already won the constitutional argument. Now they are fighting to ensure that victory actually protects the people whose rights were violated.

DOJ Admits the Federal Handgun Ban Violates the Second Amendment

In January 2025, the Fifth Circuit ruled that federal restrictions prohibiting federally licensed dealers from selling handguns and handgun ammunition to adults ages 18 to 20 violated the Second Amendment. The decision represented a significant victory for young Americans who enjoy the same constitutional rights as other adults but have been denied access to the ordinary commercial handgun market.

On September 17, 2026, the Trump administration’s Office of Legal Counsel issued an opinion agreeing that the restrictions were unconstitutional. The DOJ acknowledged that these adults are among “the people” protected by the Second Amendment and that the government could not justify the prohibition under the Supreme Court’s historical-tradition standard.

But rather than agree to the broader judicial relief sought by the organizations that successfully challenged the law, the Justice Department now argues that its change in legal position makes the remaining lawsuit moot. Essentially, DOJ maintains that because the administration no longer considers the restrictions enforceable, a broader court order is unnecessary.

A Legal Opinion Is Not a Permanent Court Order

FPC rejects that argument because the federal handgun restrictions remain on the books. Congress has not repealed them, and DOJ’s legal opinion does not permanently prohibit their enforcement. A future administration could reverse the current interpretation and resume enforcing the same restrictions against another generation of young Americans.

FPC argues that the government cannot escape constitutional litigation merely by voluntarily changing its position while leaving the challenged law intact. The organization also maintains that DOJ has failed to demonstrate that ATF has implemented the policy change in a way that removes the possibility of future enforcement.

“The federal government lost on the Second Amendment. Now the Trump DOJ admits its handgun ban is unconstitutional, yet it’s still fighting to deny FPC and our members the full benefit of our victory,” said FPC President Brandon Combs.

“It’s great that the DOJ is finally admitting that this immoral gun ban is unconstitutional, but an opinion from some government lawyers is not a repeal of the law and it’s not an enforceable court order,” Combs added.

The distinction matters. Constitutional rights should not depend on the political preferences of whoever occupies the White House. An administration’s promise not to enforce an unconstitutional restriction is no substitute for an enforceable judicial order protecting the Americans affected by it.

FPC Challenges DOJ’s Attempt to Limit Nationwide Relief

The Justice Department is also opposing FPC’s effort to expand the injunction entered following its Fifth Circuit victory. The district court limited relief geographically to the Fifth Circuit and restricted protection to individuals who were already members of the plaintiff organizations when judgment was entered.

FPC argues that those limitations improperly exclude affected members who live elsewhere in the country or joined the organizations after the judgment. DOJ relies partly on the Supreme Court’s decision in Trump v. CASA, but FPC maintains that the government is confusing a universal injunction protecting everyone with relief protecting the actual members of organizations that successfully challenged an unconstitutional law.

The consequences are particularly apparent in this case. FPC filed the lawsuit in November 2020, nearly six years ago. During that time, multiple generations of 18-to-20-year-olds have aged out of the federal restrictions. Under DOJ’s position, newly affected adults could be denied protection simply because they were not members when the district court entered judgment.

Such a limitation threatens to force gun-rights organizations into repeated lawsuits against restrictions that courts have already determined violate the Constitution. Rather than delivering meaningful protection, successful Second Amendment litigation could become an endless cycle of legal challenges as new members turn 18 or join organizations fighting for their rights.

Gun Rights Cannot Depend on Who Controls Washington

The dispute raises a larger issue about how constitutional victories are enforced. If the government can avoid lasting judicial relief simply by announcing a temporary change in enforcement policy, the protections secured through years of litigation become vulnerable to the next administration’s political priorities.

The Trump DOJ deserves credit for acknowledging that the federal handgun sales restrictions violate the Second Amendment. But that acknowledgment means little if the administration continues fighting to prevent gun owners from obtaining the full protection of a court order.

FPC is asking the Fifth Circuit to reject DOJ’s mootness argument, reverse the district court’s narrow injunction, and direct the entry of judgment protecting affected members of the plaintiff organizations nationwide.

The government has already lost the constitutional argument. It should not take another round of litigation to make that victory meaningful. The Second Amendment is not a temporary privilege granted by presidential administrations, and Americans should not have to rely on promises from Washington to exercise rights the Constitution already guarantees.

Related: FPC and NRA Challenge Pennsylvania’s Under-21 Gun Carry Ban After Court Defeat


About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson




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